|Selected Documents of 1887 Vikrama|
Revenue Collection Contract in Sheoraj
Construction of Buildings
Appointment of Mijhar
Chhap Land Grant in Doti
Appointment of Mukhiya in Accham
Copper Mines in Dailekh
Appointment of Jummawal
Payments of Salaries
Jagir Land Grant to Ferry Men
Obligation of Birta-Owners
Taxes on Hawks in Jumla
Revenye Assignment for Temple in Jumla
Appointment of Priest
Kut-Thek Land Grant in Rising
Poush Sudi 13, 1887 (44/173)
359 muris of rice lands in Rising, which had been assigned to the Srinath Kampu, were allotted to local peasants on Kut-Thek tenure on a total payment of Rs 113 and 10½ annas, excluding the levy on winter crops, and the customary Chardam-Thek levy. The peasants were required to provide loans to the Jagirdars whenever asked to do so.
Magh Badi 9, 1887 (44/174-75)
A contrct for the collection of revenue in Sheoraj, a mouja in Pyuthan district, had been given to Shiva Bux Puri for Rs 17,004. Reclaimed waste lands (Kalebanjar) at two places, which had been confiscated from Balabhadra Kunwar, were joined to that mouja, and a revenue settlement was conducted in the Vikrama year 1882.
Revenve collection for these areas was now given out on contract to Subba Dharmaraj Khatri for one year, commencing Baisakh Badi 1, 1888, for Rs 19,004.
Of this amount, Rs 11,502 was allocated for the payment of salaries to the mechanics employed at the Pyuthan munition factory, and the personnel of the Srinath Kampu and the Shiva Company. Subba Dharmaraj Khatri was ordered to transmit the balance of Rs 7,502 to the Tosakhana in Kathmandu.
Subba Dharmaraj khatri was ordered not to collect in authorized payments from the peasantry, or otherwise oppress [….] them, thereby leading them to submit complaints to Kathmandu. He was, in addition, ordered to promote lands reclamation and settlement in the area under his jurisdiction.
The soureces of revenue which were included in the contract were as follows:-
1. Mal-Sari (land revenue).
2. Kathmahal (income from the sale of timber)
3. Khair and Sal (catechu and sal timber).
4. Chari (pasturage tax).
5. Sundhuwai (levy on gold-miners).
6. Jalkar (levies on river-borne traffic).
7. Gurau (levy on witch-doctors).
8. Mahapatra (levy on Brahman priests).
9. Gaun-Pajani (?).
10. Bithi (levy in lieu of unpaid labor).
11. Levies (salami) on Nankar lands.
12. Gaun-Dekhauki (?).
13. Levies on boats.
14. Bheti-Salami (cash payments of visiting dignitaries).
15. Mejmani (provisions for visiting dignitaries).
16. Levies on oilmen (Teli).
17. Bhedabhar (?)
18. Danda-Kunda (judicai fines)
19. Maryo-Aputali (escheat property).
20. Chak-Chakui (fines collected from persons guilty of sexual offenses).
21. Amilan Rakam (payments due to local administrations and revenue functionaries).
Revenue from the following sources was excluded from the contract:-
1. Raja-Anka (royal levies).
2. Kalyan-Dhan (buried treasure).
3. Dharmadhikar (fees paid for expiation).
4. Mahant-Mandali (levies paid to Sanyasis).
5. Fines collected from persons guilty of murder and cow-slaughter.
6. Rahata-Bahata (arrears of revenue).
7. Ivory, rhinoceros hide, horns of bison (gaurigai).
Deversion of Cultivators
Magh Badi 12, 1887 (44/175-76).
Royal order to Chaudharis of elephant-depots (Hattisar), and local revenue functionaries (Chaudhari), Kanugoye, Mandar, Modaddam, Gumasta, Jethraiyat) of Birta, Jagir, and Hattisar lands (i.e. lands assigned for elephant-depots) in Morang district: Previously also, an order had been issued forbidding you to divert cultivators from Mal (i.e. lands on which taxes accrued to the government) had Jagir lands to Birta and Hattisar lands. We have now received reports that cultivators to go India during the monsoon, but later return to Morang, and accept allotments of new Jagir, Birta, and Hattisar lands, at concessional rates of taxation (Kamsaraha) and get credit facilities (Bhota Pota) from local functionaries (Amal) and contractors (Thikedar), on the pretext that the Panchashala revenue-collection system that has been introduced in Morang does not cover newly-reclaimed (Bajra-Bita) lands. Revene on Mal lands goes down as a result. You are hereby forbidden to let the cultivators do so in the future. If you do so, you will have to meet the loss.''
Magh Badi 12, 1887 (44/176-77)
Royal order to Sardar Jahar Singh Baniya and Subba Nayak Shubhakarna Giri and Gauri Sinha to construct administrative building (Kachahari) at Kadarbana in Rautahat district, as well as in Bara, Parsa, and Sarlahi districts. The order adds: ''The district headquarters officers of Alau and Kadarbana are located near the border. You are therefore, directed to construct administrative building and barracks (Tilangako Kot) with bricks in a durable manner. Employ artisans from Nepal and India (Madhesh) for that purpose. Also construct small administrative building in Bara and Bishnupur, and a temple for Sri Mankali Devi. We shall sanction the expenditure recquried for these purposes.''
Magh Badi 12, 1887 (44/177)
Royal order to Musya Lohar appointing him Mijhar (headmen) of all members of the Kami (blacksmith) community residing on Mal, Jagir, Bekh-Bunyad, and Mana-Chamal lands in Bara, Parsa, Rautahat, and Sarlahi with effect from Baisakh Badi 1, 1887 Vikrama. The position was previously held by Darbya Lahor. In carried authority of adjudicate in cases relating to commensal and sexual offenses in the Kami community. The Mijhar was permitted to appropriate customary payments from members of the community.
Magh Badi 12, 1887 (44/178).
Chhap lands at Tikha in the Chauki Sub-division (Garkha) of Doti district, previously granted to Foud Singh Bogati, were now granted to Narapati Kathayat. He was under obligation to pay the prescribed taxes on these lands to the Barakh Paltan.
Magh Badi 12, 1887 (44/178-79)
In 1882 Vikrama, Ratan Pandit had been appointed Mukhiya of Biprata village in the Satsayapatti area of Achham. Because.
of his death. Dana […] Singh Malla and Gojeha [….] Malla were appointed to that position with effect from 1887 Vikrama. They were ordered to collect [………..] the village and transmit the proceeds to army.
Magh Badi 12, 1887 (44/179)
A newly-discovered copper deposit in Kadha-Simta, part of Dailekh which had not been assigned as Jagir to the army, was granted on contract (Ijara) for one year commencing Baisakh Badi 1, 1887 Vikrama, to Mahuwa Khadka on payment of Rs 101. The amount was payable to the Tosakhana in Kathmandu.
Magh Badi 12, 1887 (44/179-80)
Royal order to Bhupa Bogati and Salibahan Bogati: ''The ryots of Bogtan have gone to the headquarters of Doti district to demand that the name of Bhupal also be registered as Jimmawal in the Tallo-Bogtan and Upallo-Bogtan areas of Doti district, because only the name of Salibahan Bogati was so registered during the revenue settlement of 1882 Vikrama. Chautariya Pushkar Shah was referred the matter to us. accordingly, we hereby appoint both of you as Jimmawals of these areas with effect from the year 1887 Vikrama.''
Magh Badi 12, 1887 (44/180)
Dittha Kanak Singh Basnyat was ordered to pay Rs 300 as salary for the year 1887 Vikrama to Garuda Dhwaj Karki,a nd attendant (Baithake) at the royal palace, from the income made by the four Adalats during the year 1888 Vikrama.
(S. B. Maharjan).
Regmi Research (Private) Ltd,
Kathmandu: December 1, 1975
Regmi Research Series
Year 7, No. 12,
Mahesh C. Regmi.
1. Miscellaneous Documents on the Bheri-
Mahakali Region … 221
2. Some Confusions … 224
3. Notes on the Changunarayan Inscription … 232
Regmi Research (Pvt) Ltd,
Lazimpat, Kathmandu, Nepal.
Compiled by Regmi Research (Private) Ltd for private study and research. Not meant for public sale of display.
Miscellaneous Documents on the Bheri-Mahakali
From King (Rana Bahadur Shah) to Luhajit Majhi of Rakhamghat and Kuchinghat on the Karnali river.
You have been in possession of two villages with fifty households, 2,500 muris of rice lands, and homesites attached thereto, from former times. We hereby reconfirm these lands in Dullu and Achham as your Jagir. Pay one suki (i.e. one-fourth of a rupee) for each household to the local Amali during Ashadh, the Dashain festival, Shrawan, and Falgun. Provide porterage services for government supplies and military stores through the area under your jurisdiction. We hereby grant you exemption from other compulsory-labor obligations (Begari). Provide ferry services without and interruption, with during winter and during the monsoon, when troops have to be moved. If you make any dalay or obstruction, you shall be punished. Provide faithful services and use the lands as Jagri with full assurance.
Friday, Magh Sudi 14, 1853
From King (Rana Bahadur Shah) to Subba Jog Malla of Achham.
We have received reports that Nartam Padhya Devkota has Birta lands on Achham. Collect only such payments from the Birta-owners of that area as have been customarily collected. Do not collect extra payments from them. Permit them to put up stores for hawks as usual, and collect customary payments thereon.
Bhadra Sudi 15, 1856
XItihas Prakash, Vol. 2, Book 2, PP. 4-9.
From (King Rana Bahadur Shah) to Nartam Padhya Devkota.
Collect taxes (Puchhabi) at the following rates on hawks captured in the Barhagaun area at the following rates and transmit the proceeds to us:-
Category of Hawk Hawks captured in do. on government
shares on Birta Lands lands
Shahi Rs 2 Rs 4
Jurra Rs 1 Rs 2
Ashadh Sudi 12, 1856 (July 1799)
Tax Exemption for Rajputs
From King (Girban) to Rajputs all over the kingdom.
We hereby remit all homestead taxes and levies, as well as compulsory labor obligations, due on the Raikar lands occupied by you and your slaves, servants, tenants, etc. to the palace, and remain constantly prepared to obey our commands. We also restore to you your remaining property, slaves, etc. other than property confiscated during the conquests, or slaves freed by the Bhardars.
Monday, Magh Sudi 5, 1857
From Subba Ranajit Kunwar to Alidatta Jaisi of Sija.
Previously, homestead taxes (Kachho Sirto) and judicial fines (danda-kunda), collected from seven households in Lekporgor village, except fines collected from persons guilty of crimes against the state (Kula-danda), had been assigned to the temple of Sri Kanaka Sundari. This assignment was subsequently withdrawn by the local administrator (Amali). We hereby restore the assignment during our term for performing religious ceremonies at the temple of Sri Kanakasundari.
From Subba Ranajit Kunwar to Palakya Mahat of Badgaun village.
The former Subba had granted you remission from payment of two rupees as Sirto tax on your homesteaed. We reconfirm the remission during our term.
Chaitra Sudi 7, 1857
From Subba Ranajit Kunwar to Sire Padhya and Narottam Padhya.
Birta lands of Brahman in the villge of Bhoragaun had been occupied by the grant-fther of Nilerya Dharala, who is now dead. These lands, including homesites, forests, and rice lands requiring one muri of seeds, are hereby allotted to you. Pay one rupee every year as Theki fee for these lands to the Tosakhana at Chhinasim.
Jestha Badi 1, 1858
From King (Girban) to Mahadeo Pandit and Shivaram Padhya.
Surti Shah (former King of Jumla), had appointed you as priests of that temple of Sri Kanankasundari. Because of the disturbances that occurred subsequently, this arrangement was interrupted. We hereby restore the arrangement made during time of the Kalyan kings. Perform regular and ceremonial religious functions at the tempte of Sri Kanakasundari and pray our victory. Use the lands as Guthu. We also restore lands belonging to the people of Kafalya that had been confiscated during the term of Ranajit Kunwar in 1851 Vikrama (1794).
Shrawan Sudi 2, 1859
The involvement of Bahadur Shah in the assassination of Sarbajit Rana was due to inadequate education. He could have come back to power had he tolerated his detention for some time as before. Rajendralaxmi would have no alternative but to recall Bahadur Shah in the event of aggression from the Chaubisi states. Rajendralaxmi too lacked proper education. Her association with Queen Chandraprabha during the childhood had made her courageous. She therefore succeeded in repulsing the Chaubisi aggression. However, the extension of the frontiers of Nepal was suspended for some years because of the removed of Bahadur Shah.
Persons like Balabhadra Shah succeeded in extending the state frontiers in the process of beating back invaders. It was a great weakness of Rajendralaxmi that she could not control her temper. Only Prithvi Narayan Shah was capable of doing so. he could suppress his anger and thus win overn his opponents. Even then fighting against Ranajit Malla, Prithvi Narayan Shah had enmity toward Jaya Prakash Malla, he treated the latter as a friend. But Rajendralaxmi could not tolerate Bahadur Shah even when was living in Patna. She called Vamsharaj Pande from Bettiah assist in the invasion of Kaski.
XBaburam Acharya, Nepalko Samkshipta Vrittanta (A Cincise Account of Nepal). Kathmandu :Pramod Shamsher and Nir Bikram ''Pyasi'', 2022 (1966). Chapter 22: ''Kehi Bhranta Dharanaharuko Khandan ra Tatkalin Prashasakaharuko Tulanatmaka Vishlelshan.'' (Refutation of Some Misconceptions and a Comparative Analysis of the Comtemporary Rulers.). PP. 152-169.
Swarup Singh Karki had fled to Palpa and sided with the King of Palpa, Mukund Sen, and the King of Parbat, Kirtiman Malla. The widow of King Karna Sen of Chaudandi and Bijayapur had adepted the son of Mukunda Sen II, Dhwajabir Sen. Swarup Singh Karki was considered a rebel in Nepal, because he had gone to Calcuta Dhwajabir Sen with the purpose of soliciting Birtish assistance. However, they could not ontained such a soldier. Swarup Singh Karki was assassinated by a Gorkhali soldier. Swarup Singh Karki was therefore moving about aimlessly in the border areas. Rajendralaxmi called him to command the troops invading Kaski, and granted him a large holding of Birta lands in Mahottari. She instigated a quarrel between Vamsharaj Pande and Swarup Singh Karki, and had Vamsharaj Pande beheaded one night in the garden of Bhadarkhal afterh holding a brief court. Takasari Bhim Khawas was then chief Minister. Balabhadra Shah had been relegated to a towar position. Rajendralaxmi then invited Bahadur Shah to attend the sacred-thread-investiture ceremony of Rana Bahadur Shah in Gorkha. Bahadur Shah went to Gorkha in response to the invitation. After the ceremony was over, Bahadur Shah, aling with Rana Bahadur Shah and Rajendralaxmi, came to Kathmandu.
Rajendralaxmi called back Dalajit Shah, who had fled eighteen months previously during the reign of Pratap Simha Shah and appointed him Chautara. Dalajit Shah, Swarup Simha Karki, and Abhiman Simha Basnyat had already been commissioned to occupy Kaski, Bhirkot, and other principalities across the eulosis. Apprehending that Rana Bahadur Shah could be safe if Bahadur Shah was kept in detention, she detained him in Pharping. Rajendralaxmi died shortly thereafter. The death of Rajendralaxmi created disturbances in the royal palace. Bhim Khawas tried to run the administration himself, but because of the opposition of the other Bhardars, he fled to India along with his three sons and other relatives, as well as his entire property. Nobady prevented him.
The funeral rites of Rajendralaxmi were presumably performed by Balbhadra Shah. Bahadur Shah was released from detention when the Gurus and Purohits who supported him pressed for the release to perform rituals on the eleventh day of the death of Rajendralaxmi. Later, he took over the administration with unanimous support. Bythe time, Dalajit Shah and Swarup Singh Karki had conquered Kaski. As the kings of Satahun, Garahun, and Rising had accepted the suzerainty
of Nepal, Abhiman Simha Basnyat was returned to Kathmandu along with them. As soon as Bahadur Shah took over the administration, he sent a royal order in the name of Rana Bahadur Shah to behead Swarup Singh Karki, who was in Kaski at that time. Swarup Singh Karki was beheaded in Kaski. It is not known what happended to Dalajit Shah, since he had gone underground by that time. Bahadur Shah also dismissed Balbhadra Shah during the Pajani. However, he retained the old both Prithvi Narayan Shah had Rajendralaxmi.
Because of the lack of education, Rajendralaxmi beheaded Vamsharaj Pande without any reason, and tried to harm Bahadur Shah. Bahadur Shah was also semi-educated. But thanks to his courage and bravery, he conquered several territories in the west when Vansharaj Pande's brother, Damodar Pande, was functioning as Kaji.
Among the Chaubisi principalities west of the Kali, only Palpa, Parbat and Pyuthan were powerful. Such Baisi principalities as Dullu and Dailekh, and distant principalities such as Doti and Kumaun, were so weak that they could be check the advance of the Gorkhali troops. As such, Gorkha's territories extended to Garhwal. A minor defeat sustained by the Gorkhalis in Garhwal had created much apprehension. However, Gajaraj Mishra forced the king of Garhwal to accept the suzerainty of Nepal, because he concluded a trade treaty with the British and put British pressure on the King of Garhwal. Nepal's defeat in Garhwal was the result of the violation of the policy of Prithvi Narayan Shah. Prithvi Narayan Shah never started wars on two fronts. Nepal had led to a with China. This earned a bad name for Bahadur Shah. The troops wanted to rest for sometime, because they had become tired of war. All Bhardars and military officers consulted among themselves that it would have been betterf had the young King Rana Bahadur Shah taken over the administration.
Bahadur Shah committed a great mistake by not providing education to Rana Bahadur Shah, because he did no realise the importance of education. Rana Bahadur Shah's character became corrupt when he was seventeen or eighteen years old as a result of his association with such evil and uneducated persons as Bidur Shahi, Sher Bahadur Shahi, and Tribhuwan Khawas. However, Rana Bahadur Shah's way of thinking was profound. He thought that Bidur Shahi and Sher Bahadur Shahi
were not responsible for the low caste of their mother, and so he appointed both of them as Chautaras. He used to calculate gains and losses while worshipping gods and offering prayers. As regars political affairs, he thought that his ministers would handle them and serve the interests of nation, and so he spent his time in entertainments and dances.
Till then, nothing had gone wrong. But he began to harbor had feelings towards Bahadur Shah, and dismissed him from office. Bahadur Shah would not have died a premature death had he gone to India soon after his dismissal. Instead, Bahadur Shah tried to go to China without royal permission. Her petitioned for passport directly to the Chinese Ambans in Lhasa. But the Ambans sought the approval of Rana Bahadur Shah without giving any reply to Bahadur Shah. Rana Bahadur Shah kept quiet. In the meantime, a new Emperor ascended the throne of China. Bahadur Shah again requested the Ambans for permission to go to China to pay his respects to the new Emperor. When the Amban contacted Rana Bahadur Shah, the latter beceme and sent Kaji Sarvajit Pande to Lhasa with several charges against Bahadur Shah. He then arrested Bahadur Shah and imprisoned him in a fort of Kathmandu for about three months. Rana Bahadur Shah then Bahadur Shah assassinated secretly through the cooperation of Bidur Shahi and Sher Bahadur Shahi.
The assassination of Bahadur Shah created great panic throughout the country. The Bhardars now began to remain vigilant, although they could pay say nothing. It was natural for them to feel frightened on account of the assassination of Bahadur Shah by his own nephew, Rana Bahadur Shah. In such a situation, Kirtiman Simha Basnyat persuaded Rana Bahadur Shah to give up power with the motive of himself becoming allpowerful. There was no need for Rana Bahadur Shah to do so. Rana Bahadur Shah did not realise that he could not regain the throne once he relinguished it. It was a major blunder on his part to think that the Bhardars would continue to respect him as usual even after he relingquished the throne. This belief enabled Kirtiman Simha to send Rana Bahadur Shah to Kashi and himself become all-powerful. Some Bhardars, including Bidur Shahi, became jealous of Kirtiman Simha Basnyat, and so they had him assassinated. This assassination enabled Sher Bahadur Shah and Bam Shah to win the fovar of the second queen for sometime. The eldest queen then too over charge of the administration. Power assumed in this manner is never lasting, and the Bhardars's involvement in such intrigues indicates their lack of education.
Kirtiman Simha Basynat had cocluded an agreement with the British to detain Rana Bahadur Sha in Banaras with the purpose of taking advantange of to internal rift in the palace. But the agreement was concluded only after Kirtiman Simha Basnyat was killed. The British emissary, who later visited Nepal, thus came to know of the weaknesses of the Nepali people. The British also came to know of the secrets of Nepal when the policy of Prithvi Narayan Shah, Bahadur Sha and Rana Bahadur Shah of not allowing the British to enter Nepal was violated. In view of the growing influence of the British throughout India, it was very difficult to check their advance into Nepal. Even then, it would not have been more harmful had the Bhardars tried to keep secrets from the British emissary. It was necessary to treat the first British resident in the same manner as Bhimsen Thapa did after the war with the British. The eldest queen expelled the British resident, Knox and recalled Rana Bahadur Shah from Banaras, out of anger.
Rana Bahadur Shah had been completely dominated by Bhimsen Thapa and Ranganath Pandit. He used to do what they said. Bhimsen Thapa and Ranganath Pandit brought She Bahadur Shahi also in their grould through another conspiracy. Bhimsen Thapa had hatched that conspiracy, because he was uneducated, and belonged to an ordinary family. He could not realize the impact of conspiracies on the nation, but gave priority too only his own interests. Ranganath Pandit wanted to become Rajguru through any possible means, as he was tired of living in exile. He thus joined Bhimsen Thapa and Sher Bahadur Shah Shahi. They entired Nepal with violent motives, and Bhimsen Thapa became all-powerful in Nepal by murdering Damodar Pande and others, and imprisoning Rajrashwari. The tradition of violence which had started with the murder of Sarbajit Rana was not to end without a major massacre. When Bhimsen Thapa tried to rester tranquility by murdering Sher Bahadur Shahi, Tribhuwan Khawas, and others, Rana Bahadur Shah himself was murdered. About seventy-five persons, including children, were killed in retaliation. An outward calm was then restored. But the nation's strength declined gradually due to the murder of old Bhardars, and the plans prepared by Prithvi Narayan Shah. The plans formulated by Bhimsen Thapa were immature. The size of Nepal was reduced within ten years after Bhimsen Thapa came to power. Prithvi Narayan Shah's plan to establish Greater Nepal sustained a severe setback.
Prithvi Narayan Shah's opnion about the Christian missionaries was very interesting. He did not decounce any religion. But the activities of the Christian missionaries compelled him to treat them rudely. The Christian missionaries had begun to spread their religion throughout Asia during the sixteenth century. They usually moved through Nepap and Tibet while visiting India and China. They carried with them copies of the Bible, and bags of medicines, wherever they want. They propagated religion among the people, and distributed medicines free of cost. They undermined the civilization and culture of the countries which they visited, and tried to impose their social and political systems there. The Christian missionaries had been spreading their activities in China, India, and other countries of Asia with such very motives. They became successful in leaving their impact on the people because of their efficacious medicines and cleanliness. They used to be followed by traders with different goods and guns. Their ultimate aim was to occupy the countries they visited by promoting trade relations.
The Christian missionaries had been successful in establishing their influence in Kathmandu during Pratap Malla's reign. They went to Lhasa also from Kathmandu. Pratap Malla had installed an inscription written in fourteen of fifteen scripts, including the Roman script, at the royal palace of Kathmandu. The Christian missionaries were disliked by the Tibetans, and so were expelled from Tibet, and their belongings were confiscated. They established their center in Kathmandu after being expelled from Tibet. They went to Bhaktapur when then were not allowed to live Kathmandu. Later, they established their center ouside the western gate of Lalipur.
The Kings of all the three principalities of Kathmandu began to try to please Christian missionaries when Prithvi Narayan Shah encircled these principalities. The Christian missionaries had advised the Kings of Patan had Bhaktapur seek the military assistance of the East India Company in India in order to remove the blockade imposed by the Gorkhalis. They had also convinced the British of the neem for such assistance. They had spent reminders to the British not to miss the opportunity, by highlighting the prospects of trade with Tibet from Bengal and Bihar. When the British were holding consultations, the Gorkhalis occupied Kirtpur. This made the defense of Kathmandu very difficult.
Prithvi Narayan Shah did not interfere in religious matter. He did not prevent pilgrims from visiting Kathmandu on the occasion of the Shivratri festival, even when he was blockading Kathmandu Valley. He also allowed the missionaries to move about in Kathmandu Valley. Taking advantage of this religious tolerance, Jaya Parakash Malla had sent two emissaries to the British in disguise. The Christian missionaries used to act as courtiers because they were not seached, on the assumption that they were not interested in politics but only in propagating religion and medicines. Prithvi Narayan Shah realized this role of the Christian missionaries only after Kinloch's attack. When Prithvi Narayan Shah besieged Bhaktapur after occupying Kathmandu and Lalitpur, the Christian missionaries visited him. On that occasion, Prithvi Narayan Shah told them to leave Nepal along with their property. They were thus forced to leave Nepal. The missionaries, along with about fifty Newar converts, then shifted to Churi in Bettiah.
The Christian missionaries who had been expelled from Nepal left no stone unturned in assailing the Nepali government. The army had mutinied when Warren Hastings behaved cruelly with Raja Chet Singh of Banaras in 1780 A.D. Chet Singh was taking refuge in Bijayagarj. When the wife of Warren Hastings requested Nepal for military assistance through Subba Dinanath in Palpa, a military unit was kept ready. But Nepal's military assistance became unnecessary when Chet Singh fled. The Christians missionaries living in Bettiah had said that the Nepali proposed to assist Chet Singh. But Warren Hastings came to know the truth from his wife.
Bahadur Shah had honored the Christian missionaries in Kathmandu because they had given him refuge in Bettiah. On the eve of his downfall, a missionary had published an article on Prithvi Narayan Shah in the famour Asiatic Researches journal in 1796, describing Prithvi Narayan Shah as barbarous. He had written that troops of Prithvi Narayan Shah had killed the Kings of the countries they occupied, and looted the local people. He also asserted falsely that Prithvi Narayan Shah cut the ears and noses of all the inhabitants of Kirtipur. The Europeans still consider this ture. All European writers, including Sylvain Levi and Landon too have made this assertain. Lalitaballabh, a peot contemporary to Prithvi Narayan Shah, had written that the ears and noses of some persons had been cut. Twently-seven years after the conquest of Kirtipur, Captain Kirkpatrick, who had visited Kathmandu, had seen a noseless
inhabitants of Kirtipur. He should have seen many noseless persons had the noses of many persons been cut. As soon as Prithvi Narayan Shah received the news of the conquest of Kirtipur, he granted some lands for operating the Guthi of the Buddhist Chaitya. The