|King Regnal Years|
Suta Birta Grant
Allotment of Shop in Guthi Building
Accounts of Srinath Kampu
Erosion of Morang
Appointment of Subedar
Contruction of Munitions Factory in Pyuthan
Payment of Salaries
Repair of Irrigation Canal
Appointment of Rais
Appointment of Mailacarriers
Salaries of Personnel of Devidatta Company
Chhap Land Grant
Salaries of Military Personnel
Gift of Elephants
New Market-Town in Mahottari
Appointment of Chaudhari
There is no evidence that the Lichhavi kings had built a palace in this area. However, a stone-inscription installed by Amshuvarma (594-621 A.D.) at Degutale temple near Hanuman indicates that not only the Lichhavis but even the Kirata Kings had a palace there. The stone-inscription reads as follows: ''The old (palaces), built by Kirata…. Lichhavi kings is beling ruined due to the cerelessness of old servicemen who have been assigned Jagirs.5 This stone-inscription contains the earliest reference to the word ''Kirat.''
A Stone-inscription dated 535 Vikrama (613 A.D.), located at Jyabahal on the Jaisidewal-Lagan road in Kathmandu, contains the words Dakshinra[.]jakulasya Dakshinapascimena. From this stone-inscription, Dhanavarja Bajracharya had inferred that Dakshinarajakula was a palace situated near Hanuman-Dhoka.6 As a matter of fact, the map of Kathmandu shows that Hanumab-Dhoka lies exactly to the north-east of Jyabahal, which is said to be located to the south-west of Dakshinarajakula. The palace occupied some lands also. The stone-inscription installed by Sivadeva-Amshuvarma (594-613 A.D.) refers to the grant of additional lands to Dakshinarajakula and Pundirajakula in the north-east of Gundigramakotta. Similarly, the stone-inscription installed by Jayadeva II (713-733 A.D.) in from of the temple of Narayana at Gnyaneshwara contains the words ''Daksinarajakulasya-Purvadhikarana.''7 The use of these words in a stone-inscription which related to judicial arrangements indicates that some of the Adhikaranas existing during the Lichhavi period were located at the Daksinarajakula palace.8
Baburam Acharya has speculated that Shankaradeva (410-445 A.D.) grand-father of Manadeva (466-505), had built the Indragriha palace circa 425 A.D., probably at Yangal, south of the Hanuman-Dhoka Palace. According to him, Yangal is the corrupt form of Indragriha. Thus we may therefore consider the Hanuman Dhoka area 1550 years old.9
One arrives at Nasalchok immediately after entering the main gate of the Hanuman-Dhoka Palace. The glorious art of ancient times has enhanced the beauty of this place. To the south of Nasalchok lies the approximately 108 feet high terrace of the Basantapur Palace, built by Prithvinarayan Shah in 1826 Vikrama (1770 A.D.). This is the highest dome of its kind in Nepal. To the south-east of Nasalchok is a bungalow with angular metal roof.10 Its architectural style resembles that of the Gorkha Palace of Rama Shah.'' The five-storeyed temple of Hanuman-
situated near the gate leading to Mulachok in the north eastern part, is another architectural object of its kind, in Nepal. ''In the northern corner, we see the Gaddi Baithak (Royal Hall) where kings previously held court, administered justice, and listened to religious incantations. Pictures of the Shah kings are now displayed at Gaddi-Baithak. At the main gate, one sees an image of Nrisimha, which was installed by King Pratap Malla.
During the Malla period, Nasalchok was an open royal courtyard. It appears to have assumed its present form after King Prthvi Narayan Shah built Basantapur Palace in 1770 A.D., and Chandra Shamsher constructed the Belayati Palace in from of the temple of Kumari, and added one building between the two palaces in 1908 A.D. during the reign of Prithvi Bir Bikram Shah Deva.11 The presence of water spout, which was ritually gifted by Amrit Varma in 207 Samvat (783 A.D.), indicates that a water-tap may have existed aroud Nasalchok during the Lichhavi period. At present, one sees at this place a water-tap called Bir-Dhara, which consists if a thick pipe manufactured in Glosgow in 1880 A.D.12 In 1882, Nasalchok was paved with stones on the order of King Rajendra Bikram Shah. Stones were beautifully laid also on the old dais located in the center of Nasalchok.13 King Rana Bahadur Shah also repaired Nasalchok.
The dais of Nasalchok is of great historical importance. It is approximately 20 feet square and 2½ feet high. It is on this very dais that the coronation of all the kings of Nepal from Malla times has been solemnized. During the Malla period, many dramas were staged, and several othe auspicious functions performed, on the dais. Dances were customarily staged on the dais for eight days during the Indrajatra festival. This custome is still followed. At the temple of God Nasal, in front of the Kathmandap building, Pratapa Malla hasa installed a stone-inscription describing how he had played the role of Narasimha and danced in a drama.14 Since he resided at the Hanuman Palace, he must have danced on the dais located at Nasalchok.
The name of Nasalchok itself leads us to presume that the dais had been built to stage royal dances and dramas. Nasal or Nasara or Nasa, is the corrupt Newar word of Natyesha, or Nrityewhwar Mahadeva, that is, the God of Dance. In the opinion of some people, the Nasalchok, had been built by Pratap Malla, who was not only a lover of art but also a dance himself.15
After the Nepali people were liberated from 104 years of Rana regime, some public functions were performed on the dais of Nasalchok. These included the Newari literary conference16 helf in Magh 2009 (January 1853) under the auspicious of Chwasapasa, and a dance competition sponsored by the Shantiraksha Swayamsevak Sanga on Ashwin 12, 2016 (September 27, 1959) with the financial assistance of His Majesty's Government.17
Bu tradition, the coronation of the Shah kings is solemnized on the dais of Nasalchok. The coronation of His Majesty King Birendra Bikram Shah, the tenth King of Shah dynasty, was also solemnized on this every dais on February 24, 1975. King Prithvi Narayan Shah (1743-75 A.D.) was first crowned King in April 1743 in Gorkha on the death of King Narabhupal Shah.18 But after his conquest of Kathmandu, he was cronwed again on the dais of Nasalchok as king of Nepal. Baburam Acharya writes, ''on an auspicious day following the capture of the palace by the Gorkhalis, King Prithvi Narayan Shah sat on the throne of Kantipur in the courtyward of the palace.''19 Prithvi Narayan Shah then built the Basantapur Palace. On March 21, 1770, he entered into palace in procession carring the throne of Gorkha. Kathmandu was then formally proclaimed the capital of the Kingdom of Nepal.20
The dates on which the Shah Kings were crowned on the dais of Nasalchok are as follows:-
^ Regnal Years Date
Pratap Simha Shah 1775-77 January 25, 177521
Rana Bahadur Shah 1777-99 December 1, 177722
Girbanyuddha Bikram Shah 1799-1816 Falgun 28, Bikram23
(March 11, 1799)
Rajendra Bikram Shah 1816-47 December 8, 181624
Surendra Bikram Shah 1847-81 May 12, 184725
Prithvi Bir Bikram Shah 1881-1911 December 1, 188126
Tribhuwan Bir Bikram Shah 1911-55 February 20, 191327
Mahendra Bir Bikram Shah 1955-72 May 2, 1956.28
1. Naya Raj Pant, Hanuman Sthapana Garnama Hetu (Object Behind Installation of Image of Hanuman). Purmina, Vol. 1, Baisakh 2021 (April 1964), PP. 26-30.
2. T. R. Vaidya, ''Kingship during the Malla Period.'' Journal of the Tribhuwan University, IV, June 1968, P. 19.
3. Dhana Bajra Bajracharya, Itihasa Samshodhana ma Pramana Prameya (Historical Evidence and Conclusions), Vol. I. P. 133.
4. Naya Raj Pant, '' Prime Minister Ranoddip Simha,'' Purnima, Vol. 25, Marga 2026 (November 1971), P. 47.
5. Dhanavajra Bajracharya. Lichhavi Kalaka Abhilekha (Inscriptions of the Licchavi Period), 2030 (1973), P. 374.
6. Ibid, PP. 342-44.
7. Ibid, PP. 223-35.
8. Ibid, PP. 574-75.
9. ''Kiratanama'', Nepali, Vol. 16, Shravan-Ashwin 2020 (July-August 1963), PP. 27-28.
10. ''Nama Ra Uchcharana Bare (On Names and Pronunciations), in Tri-Ratna Saundarya Gatha, 2019 (1962), P. 136.
11. Dr. Prayag Raj Sharma, ''Introduction to Nepalese Art and Architecture, Journal of the Tribhuwan University, Vol. 2, P. 93.
12. Ibid, Vol. 5, P. 594.
13. Dhanavajra Bajracharya, Tri-Ratna Saundarya Gatha, 2019 (1962), P. 308.
14. Prem Bahadur Kansakar, ''Hamro Natak Parampara'' (Our Traditions of Dance), Himani, Vol. 1, No. 1, Ashwin-Kartik 2019 (October-November 1962), P. 131, Prem Bahadur Kansakar, ''Ratneshwar Pradurbhava'' in Jhigu Natak Parampara 1084 Nepal era (1964), P. 3.
15. Shankar Man Rajavamshi, Kantipur Shilalekha Suchi (List of Stone-Inscriptions of Kantipur). P. 107.
• Lilabhakta Munakurmi, Mallakalin Nepal (Nepal during the Malla period), 2025 (1961), P. 115.
A book written in 789 Nepal era (1669 A.D.), which is in the possession of the National Archives in Bhakptur, contains a picture of depicting Pratap Malla dancing while on pilgrimage, and being followed by women carring wine jars.
16. Pasa, 1: 13, Jestha 2010 (May 1953), P. 88.
17. Ibid, 14, P. 33.
18. Baburam Acharya, Sri Panch Badamaharadhiraj Prithvi Narayan Shah Sankshipta Jiwani (A Short Biography of King Prithvi Narayan Shah), Part 1, PP. 159-60. Yogi Naraharinath writes: The coronation of Prithvi Narayan Shah was solemnized by the Gorkha people through Vedic rites on Chaitra Shudi Ramnavmi, 1664 Shanka, at the age of 20. He occupied the throne of Rama Shah at the Kailasakuta Bhawana, Duvya Upadesha, PP. 4-5.
19. Baburam Acharya, Prithvi Narayan Shah, Part 3, P. 503.
20. Ibid, Part 3, P. 519.
21. Baburam Acharya, Nepalko Sankshipta Britanta (A Concise History of Nepal), P. 72. On January 25, 1975 after Bahadur Shah performed the funeral rites of the father while in detention. Pratap Simha Shah was cronwed King.
22. Ibid, P. 77. (1), ''Rana Bahadur Shah was crowned King one month later the death of Pratap Simha Shah on December 17, 1777.'' (2) ''Rana Bahadur Shah ascended the throne on Jestha 27, 1851'' Baburam Acharya, ''Gorkha Bijaya Kalka Ghatana.'' (Events of Gorkha's campaign of conquest). Purnima, 27, Aswin 2029 (October 1972). P. 171.
23. Purnima, Baisakha 2022 (April 1965), Picture on front page; see also P. 171 of Baburam Acharya's work mentioned in 23 (2) ''King Girvana was crowned on Falgun 28, 1855 Vikrama at the age of 1½ years.'' ''King Rana Bahadur Shah solemnized the coronation of Girvan Yuddha Vikrama Shah at the age of 18 months through the King of Palpa, Prithvi Pal Sen, on Falgun 2, 1855 Vikrama.'' (Dhundi Raj Bhandari, Nepalko Aitihasik Vivechana (An Historical Analysis of Nepal) 2015 (1958), P. 2. ''Our grandfather (Rana Bahadur Shah) solemnized the coronations of our father, Girvan Yuddha Bikram Shah, at the age of 2½ years, and dedicated himself to God.'' Tri-Ratna Saundarya Gatha, P. 309. Although Rajendra Vikram Shah has given King Girban's age of 2½ years, the evidence mentioned above indicate that Girvan was actually crowned at the age of 1½ years.
24. Bal Chandra Sharma- Nepalko Aitihasik Ruprekha (Historical Outline of Nepal) 2015 (1958), P. 278. ''After the death of Girban Yuddha Vikram Shah on November 20, 1816, of smallpox, his infant son, Rajendra Vikram Shah, ascended the the throne of Nepal on December 8, 1816.''
25. Ibid, P. 318. ''The 18-years old Crown Prince, Surendra Vikram Shah, was declared King of Neapl on May 12, 1847.'' In the night of Jestha Sudi 13/14, 1815 Vikrama (May 12). Surendra asecended to the throne, and Rajendra stepped down,'' Baburam Acharya, Rajendra Shahko Shasan (Reign of Rajendra Vikram Shah). Purnima, 27, P. 177.
26. Ibid, Bal Chandra Sharma, P. 346. ''Because Crown Prince Trailokya Bir Bikram Shah had already died, Prithvi Bir Bikram Shah ascended to the throne on December 1, 1881.
27. Ibid, P. 358, ''On December 11, 1911, Prithvi Bir Bikram Shah died, and his only son, Tribhuwan Bir Bikram Shah, was cronwed King on February 20, 1913.''
28. (a) ''Coronation Radio Week Program,'' P. 22. Running commentary from the Narayanhiti palace to the Hanumandhoka palalce on May 2, 1955 (Baisakh 12, 2013). (b)
28. (a) ''Coronation Radio Week Program,'' P. 22. Running commentary from the Narayanhiti palace to the Hanumandhoka palalce on May 2, 1955 (Baisakh 12, 2013). (b)Dharmodaya 9: 7. Rajyavishek Samachar, Baisakh-Jestha 2013 (May June 1956), P. 457.
Selected Documents of Kartik-Marga, 1887
(Continued from the previous issue)
Repair of Temple in Bhadgaun
(Kartik Badi 8, 1887) (44/122)
The temples of Sri Narayan and Sri Kumaru in Bhadgaun town were placed under the management of Dhirjya for a seven-year period. He was under obligation to pay Mahsul royalties amounting to Rs 40 on the Guthi lands of the Sri Narayan temple, and Rs 6 on these of the Sri Kumari temple. He was directed to repair and maintain these temples in a proper condition, have the customary religious ceremonies performed, and appropriate the surplus income for his own use.
(Kartik Badi 8, 1887) (44/122-23)
Royal order to Bhimalaxmi, a woman of the Banda caste living at Chabahal in Nhaikantala, Kathmandu town: ''Your father was killed when an accident occurred at the gunpowder factory in Thabahil. Since you are his sole heir, we hereby permit you to use the Guthi lands held by him. The Birta house of your father is also granted to you as Suna Birta, with full rights of transfer.''
(Kartik Badi 8, 1887) (44/123-24).
Royal order confirmitng possession of a shop-site in a building owned by the Sri Narayan Guthi at Makhantol in Kathmandu by Dayaram Newar, with obligation to finance the bulding of lamps during the Indrajatra festival and religious ceremonies at the temple on the full-moon day of November.
(Kartik Badi 8, 1887) (44/124)
Lt. Biraj Bisht and Dhanajaya Padhya were given charge of the cash revene and epuipment and supplies of the Srinath Kampu. They were directed to submit accounts every year.
Repair of Gunpowder Factory
(Kartik Sudi 5, 1887) (44/125)
The Inhabitants of Maidhi and Kallari (in Dhading district), other then Jaisis and Upadhyaya Brahmans were ordered to provide Jharea lanor for four months to repair the gunpowder factory Nuwakot. They were also required to bring along with them necessary tools and provisions.
(Kartik Badi 13, 1887) (44/124-25)
Royal order to Prayag Datta Jaisi, Subba of Morang: ''The Rangeli headquarters office (Kachahari) is located in a thatched hut. The area is also being eroded by the Bakraha river. Construct new office building and barracks for the troops with brick walls and tile roofs at a suitable place in Rangeli with machanices from the Nepal and the Madhesh. The expenses incurred therein shall be debited from your accounts.
(Kartik Sudi 5, 1887) (44/126-27)
Royal order to Subba Prayag Datta Jaisi of Morang for abolishing the posts of Fauzdar, Jamadar, etc, and utilizing the resultant saving to create the post of a Subedar to work at the Morang district headquarters office.
(Kartik Sudi 5, 1887) (44/127)
Captain Birabhadra Kanwar was ordered to disburse Patna Rs 3,000 from the contract revenues collected in Saptari and
Mahottari for the year 1887 Vikrama to Jamadar Ghamanda Raut for purchasing goods required by the Tosakhana in Patna.
An order with the same contents was sent on the same date to Sardar Jahar Simha Baniya in Bara, Parsa, and Rautahat. (44/127-28).
(Kartik Sudi 5, 1887) (44/129)
Royal order to the village headmen and other inhabitants of Salyan, impressiong their Jhara services for the construction of a munitions factory in Pyuthan. They were directed to bring their own provisions, as well as pick-axes, axes, and other tools.
(Kartik Sudi 5, 1887( (44/130)
Kaji Bakhtwar Simha was ordered to disburse Rs 345 and 6¼ annas as salaries to Mukhiya Gajendra Dhwaj Jaisi and his staff from revenues collected in Palpa.
Inspection of Travellers
(Kartik Sudi 5, 1887) (44/131)
Lt. Bhawani Singh Khatri was appointed to inspect people who traveled through the Chitlang-Markhu-Kulekhani-Chisapani-Dhursing-Bhimphedi-Bhainse route.
(Kartik Sudi 8, 1887) (44/131-32)
The Kalijang Paltan was ordered to impress Jhara labor from the inhabitants of Kaski, Nuwakot, and Limi, other than Kagate-Hulaku and Thaple-Hulaki porters, and Upadhyaya and Jaisi Brahmans, for repairing the Pardi canal. (Accoording to another order issued on the same date, Jhara labor for this purpose was impressed in the areas situated east of the Kali and Madi rivers, and west of Madi river.
(Kartik Sudi 10, 1887) (44/133-34)
Royal order to Khusiyal Raya and Bharthi Raya: ''Chintamani Jha had been appointed Rais in the Parganna of Mahottari in Mahottari district. However, his activities were not in keeping with the Panchashala revenue-collection system. We have therefore removed him him that postion, and appointed to succeed him, with the mouja of Pakariya in Inarwa as your Nankar, in addition to other perquisites. Ramin in attendance at the Kachahari (office) of the Amail (revunve-collection relating to landownershim and land revenue pay a fee of Rs 15 on your Nankar land every year as Khatami Salami.''
(Kartik Sudi 10, 1887) (44/134).
Eight poens had been appointed in Baisakha 1886 to transport mail between Bheri (Jaleshwar) and Bhardah (Saptari). They were each sanctioned a yearly salary of Rs 24.
Appointment of Subedar and Fouzdar
(Kartik Badi 10, 1887) (44/135)
Two Fouzdars were appointed in Saptari and Mahottari on a yearly salary of Rs 300 each, and one Subedar in Saptari on a monthly salary of Rs 600, of revenue collection. The existing posts of one Fouzdars (Rs 400) and one Jamadar of the Devidatta Company (Rs 205) were then ablolished.
(Kartik Sudi 10, 1887) (44/136)
Salaries and landsassignments of 192 officers and men of the Devidatta Company. Total amount: Rs 11,125.
(Kartik Sudi 10, 1887) (44/137)
Kaji Bakhtwar Simha Thapa was ordered to permit the the remittance of Rs 4,000 from revenue collected in Palpa for meeting the expenses of the royal household (Hitchcock).
Ijara For Operation of Mines
(Kartik Sudi 11, 1887) (44/137-38)
Harikrishna was granted a one-year Ijara for the operation of mines in specified areas of the far-eastern hill region for Rs 3,001. The Ijara included income from taxes, levies, judicial fines, etc, collected from mineworkers, Lead was to be sold to government munitions factory, and iron and copper to anyone.
(Kartik Sudi 14, 1887) (44/139-40)
Buddaibal Rana was granted Chhap lands at Dhuwskot in Dhading. The lands had previously been held by Anirudra Shahi on the same tenure.
Expenses of Mint
(Kartik Badi 1, 1887) (44/140)
Royal orderto Subba Kulananda Jha, ''Expeneses incurred in the construction of a mint at Bhuinchhe, amounting to Rs 4,606½, shall be met from the revevues of the Beni-Baglung mines and mint.
(Marga Badi 1, 1887) (44/140-41)
Sardar Jahar Simha Baniya was ordered to pay Rs 4,507 as the salaries of military personnel in different eastern Tarai districts from the Thek revenues of Bara, Parsa, and Rautahat.
(Marga Badi 2, 1887) (44/142-42)
Dittha Ravidhwaj Adhikari and other officials of the Elephantd Office were ordered to make available four elephants to Chautariya Ranodyot Shah for ritual gifts during pilgrimage to Gaya and Prayag (in India).
(Marga Badi 4, 1887) (44/142)
Chautariya Pushkar Shah was ordered to pay Rs 500 to Subba Chautariya Malla from revenues collected in Doti for meeting Wakil's expenses.
Jhara Labor Services
(Marga Badi 5, 1887) (44/142)
The inhabitants of Panchsayakhola in Nuwakot were ordered to provide Jhara labor services for the constructioin of a road along the Trishuli river under the supervision of Kaji Birakesher Pande. People who were under obligation to work at the gunpowder factory were exempted.
(Marga Badi 9, 1887) (44/143)
Royal order to General Bhimsen Thapa to construct a new market-town, Pithiya Bazaar, on his Birta lands in the Thadi-Lohana area of of Khesraha in Mahottari district.
Supply of Sulphur
(Marga Badi 9, 1887) (44/143-44)
Kishandhar Newar was granted a one-year Ijara for operating copper and sulphur mines, and collecting specified homestead and others taxes, in the Jharlang area. He was required to supply 2,501 dharnies of refined sulphur every year to the gunpowder factory.
(Marga Badi 9, 1887) (44/144-45)
Jaktabir was appointed Chaudhari (of the Newar community), replacing Shyamakrishna. His obligations were to supply goats every day to the royal household, and pay Rs 401 every year to the Tosakhana.
Information regarding Jaktabir's appointment as Chaudhari was sent on the same date to areas situated east of the Gandaki river and west of Sindhu, as well as to areas situated east of Sindhu and Dhulikhel and west of the Mechi river. (44/147).
Two orders issued on the same day to local authorities and common people in the regions east of the Dhobikhola river and west of the Bishnumati river, directed to them supply goats to Jaktabir's agents on payment of the price. (44/145-46).
A similar order was issued for areas south of Thankot, directing that no Jagat duties be collected on 2,600 goats to be supplied by the Chaudhari to the royal household every year. (44/147)
(Marga Badi 9, 1887) (44/145)
Royal order directing the payment of Jagat (transit) duties on commercial goods moved through Syafru, Timure, and Goljung.
Collection of Sahanapal Levy
(Marga Badi 9, 1887) (44/146-47)
Jaktabir was also granted authority to collect the Sahanapal levy, replacing Shyamakrishna. ''Capture all stray cattle which graze on crops and take them to the royal cattle farm. Stray horses shall be taken to the royal stables. Stray goats shall be handed over the Chaudhari. Beat up the cowherds who let cattle loose. Collected the customary Sahanapal levy in the following areas: Kathmandu, Kirtipur, Bungmati, Nakadesh, Harisiddhi, Dharmathali, Khokana, Thecho, Badegaun, Sunaguthi, Tokha, Pharping, and Bode.
(Marga Badi 9, 1887) (44/148)
Bahadur Singh was appointed to assist Lt. Hira Pratap in conducting correspondence in the Persian language. He was paid a salary of Rs 25 per month.
Land Allotment in Chisankhu
(Marga Badi 9, 1887) (44/148-49)
Homestead lands under Jagir tenure in Chisankhu were allotted to Ranajit Rai under Thek renure against payment of Rs 15 every year.
(Marga Badi 9, 1887) (44/149)
Royal order to Bhaju Thaku of Chisankhu canceling all allotments of Jagir lands assigned to Kajis that had been made subject to the payment of Kut rents, and directing him to made fresh allotments in such a manner that each allotment comprised waste, damaged, newly-reclaimed, and other rice lands.
(Marga Badi 9, 1887) (44/149)
Lands in Gulmi granted as Chhap to Dalabir Khatri on payment of Rs 16 every year. The lands had been occupied on Chhap tenure by a person who had subsequently emigranted to Ramnagar.
Rice-Land Allotment in Kaski
(Marga Badi 9, 1887) (44/150)
165 muris of rice-lands under Jagir tenure in Kaski, previsouly allotted to Bamshu Padhya on payment of a Thek rent of Rs 36½, was reallotted to Ballabh Parajuli. The Thek rent was increased to Rs 50.
The Patan Clock
(Marga Badi 9, 1887) (44/151)
The Amalidar of Patan town was ordered to remit taxes and labor obligations due from the following persons, and pay them an annual salary of Rs 24 each, in consideration of their services in looking after a clock at Patan by rotation:
1. Kirtiraj Jaisi of Balkhu Tol.
2. Sadashiva Jaisi of do.
3. Bhakta Jaisi of Tapalakhu Tol.
4. Masta […] Jaisi of Ilaru Tol.
5. Devi Singh of Tengal Tol.
6. Dhanaman Jaishi of do.
7. Deva Jaisi of Yachhu Tol.
8. Pratap Jaisi of Ikhalakhu Tol.
Pasture Lands in Galkot
(Marga Badi 9, 1887) (44/152)
Royal order to eighty families of Rohanis in Galkot: ''You have been occupying pasture lands under Raikar tenure for grazing your cattle on payment of Kharchari tax. Whne Tilapa Padhya trespassed on these lands,the case was reffered to the Parbat Adalat. Tilapa Padhya lost his case. Subsequently, he obtained particulars, and again laid claim to these pasture lands. The Rohanies then shifted to other areas. The matter was referred to General (Bhimsen Thapa) through Subba Kulananda Jha. A fresh order reconfirming the Rohanis's possession of these lands was then issued. Even then, Tilapa Paddya did not give up his claim. We hereby reconfirm your possession of these pasture lands, and direct you to come back and reoccupy them, pay the customary taxes and levies, and continued to provide porterage services for the Mint as before.
(To Be Continued)
(Continued from the previous issue)
After Capatin Knox arrined in Nepal, Raghunath Pandit studied the situation and fund out the couses of conflict between the Pande and Basnyat families. He liked to stay in Kathmandu, but Gajaraj Mishra did no let him do so. therefore Raghunath Pandit left Kathmandu along with the copper-plate inscription in the name of the Swami Maharaj (Rana Bahadur Shah) from King Girban. The inscription stated that Rana Bahadur would be granted Rs 80,000 a year from the revenues of Morang and Pallokirat and that he would have to live as a reclude. Captain Knox did no involve himself in efforts to have this agreement approved by the Nepal Government. He thought that the Bhardars would certainly raise objections to it. In fact, the Bhardars were greatly disturbed by this agreement. Captain Knox concentrated his attention on the political influence of China in Nepal. Dr. Hamilton, who had accompanied Captain Knox to Nepal, collected documents sufficient nearly half of the materials required for a book on the geography, history, and social systems of Nepal. The Bhardars had not agreed to approve the agreement even after Queen Rajarajeshwari started living at Kimdol. But the condition of the royal court was worsening. Queen Subarnaprabha and Bakhtwar Singh, therefore, affixed the Royal seal on the agreement and handed it over to Captain Knox for self-preservation.
Both Subarnaprabha and Bakhtwar Simha Basnyat were of weak character, whereas Sher Bahadur Shahi and Tribhuwan Khawas were cunning persons. Bam Shah and Damodar Pande was loyal Bhardars. The royal treasury was empty, because there was no proper control of expenditure. The Swami was also in debt since
XBaburam Acharya, ^ (A Concise Account of Nepal). Kathmandu: Pramod Shamsher and Nir Bikram ''Pyasi.'' 2022 (1866), PP. 114.
the amount of Rs 80,000 had not all been released. In the meantime, Sardar Subudhhi Khadka absconded with the jewels of the treasury. Subarnaprabha was discomfited, and went to stay at Pashupati in saffron robes, taking King Girban with her declared that she would go to Banaras. Now the Bhardars had no alternative but to invite Rajerajeshwari. Sher Bahadur Shahi, Bakhtwar Simha Basnyat, and Damodar Pande went to Kimdol, and placed Queen Rajerajeshwari to the palace with great honor, and palaced King Birban on her lap. Rajarajeshwai, on her part, called back Subarnaprabha, forgetting the difference of that past, and started workding as before. Because of the agreement, on which the royal seal had already been affixed, she could not remove Subarnaprabha.
Captain Knox clearly realized that china did not have any influence in Nepal by the time Rajarajeshwari came back to power. Therefore, he tried to exert pressure on Nepal after the agreement had been approved. He urged on the Nepal government to repay the loans by the Swami from the merchants of Kaski. Since the money that had been remitted earlier had been misappropriated, Queen Rajarajeshwari deputed Subba Hastadal Shahi to repay the loans from revenues of the Tarai. The allowance for two years, amounting to Rs 160,000, due to the Swami remained outstanding. Rajarajeshwari also arranged for its payment. Captain Knox was creating unnecessary obstruction; hence she also expelled him from Kathmandu without showing any respect. Captain Knox crossed the border after procuring porters and conveyances from Bettiah after reaching Makwanpur. Rajarajeshwari then tried to invite the Swami back to Kathmandu, and keep him in detention with honor. But the British Government refused to send him until the loans were repaid. When this was done, the British Government announced the abrogation of the treaty and released the Swami in January 1804. The Swami then started living outside Banaras city.
Captain Knox had requested for a place in Kirtipur to live and open his office when he was trying to create difficulties for the administration of Rajarajeshwari. But none of the Bhardars agreed to his proposal. That is why Rajarajeshwari sent him back. Since the business-mined British Government had not violated the treaty she had not been able to dissolve the Council of Bhardars. The administration was not running well,
because of the large number of ministers. Eventually, Rajarajeshwari dissolved it and appointed Bidur Shahi as Chautara, Damodar Pande as Chief Kaji, Randhir Simha Basnyat as second Kajs, and Balwant Rana and Narasing Gurung as third and fourth Kajis respectively. She dismissed Chautara Sher Bahadur and others, and kept Queen Subanaprabha, Bakhtwar Simha Basnyat, and Bam Shah in detention.
The loans of the merchants of Banaras were repaid, and the Swami was living at a place situated outside the town after his release by the British Government. Meanwhile, Sher Bahadur Shahi, in collusion with Bhimsen Thapa and Ranganath Pandit, started making attempts to take over the administration from Rajarajeshwari and Damodar Pande in the name of the Swami Maharaj. Money was repuired for this plan. But Rajarajeshwari had allowed Hastadal Shahi to spend money only for visiting Kathmandu and going back. This put them to difficulty. Ranganath Pandit obtained a loan of Rs 40,000 from an India trader against the surety of his preceptor. Since the Swami had paid interest at two percent monthly on the loan of Rs 60,000 obtained by him from one Dwarikadas, another merchant also had offered a loan on similar terms.
In Banaras, Ranganath Pandit and Bhimsen Thapa were comprising against Rajarajeshwari. In the meantime, Sher Bahadur Shahi managed to run way from Kathmandu when Amar Simha Thapa, Tribhuwan Khawas, Ranakesar Pande and himself were about to be arrested. The other Kajis were arrested and kept in detention for 19 days.
The Swami Maharaj then left for Kathmadu after making necessary preparations. Kaji Narsing Gurung was deputed along with troops to bring him to Kathmandu in detention. When narsing Gurung had just crossed Chisapanigadhi, there were discussions in Kathmandu on where the Swami should be kept in detention. Tents were pitched at Tundikhel near the temple of Lumadi for his stay on the day of his arrival and it was decided that he should be shifted to another place later. Arrangements were also made for materials required for worship at the Lumadi temple. These arrangements were made because the Swami was not supposed to enter the capital because he was Sanyasi. Queen Rajarajeshwari and Damodar Pande were still unaware of their destiny after the arriaval of the Swami.
Bhimsen Thapa, who had accompanied the Swami, had already won over Narsing Gurung to his side. The Bhardars, including Damodar Pande, went to Thankot to receive the Swami with troops and elephants. King Girban and Rajarajeshwari stayed at the palace, since the status of the King was higher than that of the Swami.
When Ran Bahadur Shah crossed the Thankot pass, Sher Bahadur Shahi had accompanied him, Damodar Pande and Prabal Rana were arrested on the order of Rana Bahadur Shah, since the troops led by Narsingh Gurung had already gone over to him. the Swami, Bhimsen Thapa, Ranganath Pandit, and Sher Bahadur Shahi took shelter at Lumadi, and Damodar Pande and Prabal Rana were detained at the rest-house there. The Swami worshipped at the temple, and released Subarnaprabha, other Bhardars, including Bam Shah, Bakhtwar Simha Basnyat and Ranjit Pande, and reinstated them in their post. Bhimsen Thapa and his father were appointed as Bharadars, and Jaspau Thapa was dismissed.
Prabal Rana advised Damodar Pande to escape. But Damodar Pande refused to do so, Parbal Rana then escaped. A Jamadar and a soldier were sentenced to death on the charged of allowing to escape. Damodar Pande and one other Bhardar who were expected to be sentenced to death were kept under strict detention, while Rajarajeshwari was kept in detention at the royal palace.
(To Be Continued)
(S. B. Maharjan).
Regmi Research (Private) Ltd,
Kathmandu: July 1, 1975