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General agriculture irrigation watershed tenure marine mountain protected area wildlife



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COMMUNITY IN CONSERVATION

SOUTH ASIA

GENERAL AGRICULTURE IRRIGATION WATERSHED TENURE MARINE MOUNTAIN PROTECTED AREA WILDLIFE


GENERAL

Agarwal, B (1992). “The gender and environment debate: lessons from India.” Feminist Studies 18(1): 119-158.

Agarwal, B (1997). “Gender, environment, and poverty interlinks: regional variations and temporal shifts in rural India, 1971-91.” World Development 25(1): 23-52.

This paper analyzes the interrelationships between gender, poverty and the environment in rural India, focusing especially on regional variations and temporal shifts over 1971-91. Briefly identifying the major factors underlying environmental degradation, it traces why and how this degradation, and the appropriation of natural resources by the state (statization) and by some individuals (privatization), tend to have particularly adverse implications for the female members of poor rural households. Regional and temporal variations in the likely intensity of these effects are traced both by examining individual indicators and through the specification of a set of aggregative indices, termed here as the GEP(V) indices. These indices measure differences between states in their gender-environment-poverty vulnerability (or what could be termed the ''GEP-gap'') at a point in time, and over time. Governmental and community-initiated attempts at environmental protection and regeneration are also examined, and the importance of gender-directed policies highlighted. Copyright (C) 1997 Elsevier Science Ltd


Agarwal, B (1997). “Resounding the alert: gender, resources and community action.” ^ World Development 25(9): 1373-1380.

Arnold, D and R Guha (1995). Nature, Culture, Imperialism: Essays in the Environmental History of South Asia. Delhi, Oxford University Press.

Askew, I (1989). “Organizing community participation in family planning projects in South Asia.” Studies in Family Planning 20(4): 185-202.

Basnet, K (1992). “Conservation practices in Nepal - past and present.” Ambio 21(6): 390-393.

Nepal is located in the central part of the Himalayas. Diverse plants and animals, rich culture, and the poor economy of the country, with its varied physiographic and climatic conditions, need an appropriate conservation technique to balance the development and conservation of nature and natural resources. Current conservation efforts can be effective if they are incorporated with successful indigenous approaches. Local community participation is necessary for the success of long-term projects such as conservation programs. (Journal)


Beck, T (1995). “How the poor fight for respect and resources in village India.” ^ Human Organization 54(2): 169-181.

Blair, H (1996). “Democracy, equity and common property resource management in the Indian subcontinent.” Development and Change 27(3): 475-499.

This article addresses the relationship between democracy, equity and common property resource management in South Asia, both at the national and at the local level. Its substantive focus will be largely on forests, and its geographical concentration mostly on India, although other sectors (primarily water) and areas (Nepal and Bangladesh) will also be included. The article opens by looking at Garrett Hardin's (1968) three strategies to preserve the commons. It finds that democratic politics is compatible with both privatization and centralization as conserving strategies (although not necessarily successful). With the third approach - local control - democracy has at best a problematic relationship, for where governmental units are the relevant actors, there tends to be more interest in consuming than in conserving or preserving resources at the local level. Local user groups, however, do much better at common property resource management, because they can restrict membership and thus avoid free riders, and they can establish a close linkage in their members' minds between benefits and costs of participating in group discipline to maintain the resource. (Journal)


Bromley, DW and DP Chapagain (1984). “The village against the center: resource depletion in South Asia.” ^ American Journal of Agricultural Economics 66: 868-873.

Cameron, MM (1996). “Biodiversity and medicinal plants in Nepal: involving untouchables in conservation and development.” Human Organization 55(1): 84-92.

In this article, I consider the specific uses made of findings from anthropological research to a current biodiversity conservation project in Nepal. The project links biodiversity conservation with the marketing of high-altitude medicinal plants in the vicinity of Khaptad National Park Drawing from ethnographic and historical data I demonstrate that employing a specific group of people untouchables achieves the project's key goal: to produce the greatest amount of benefit for the greatest number of people. (Author)


Choudhury, NC (1975). “Effect of community development on the tribes of India.” ^ Bulletin of the Anthropological Survey of India 24(3-4): 7-21.

Dasgupta, J (1997). “Community, authenticity, and autonomy: insurgence and institutional development in India's Northeast.” Journal of Asian Studies 56(2): 345-370.

De Munck, VC (1987). “Cooperation, conflict, and development in a Sri Lankan community.” Journal of Developing Societies 3(1): 100-106.

Deka, R (1972). Impact of community development programmes on the agricultural organization among the Mikirs. in Bulletin of the Department of Anthropology, Dibrugarh UniversityEd, Dibrugarh, Assam. 1, 1972: 38-41.

Dove, M (1993). “The coevolution of population and environment: the ecology and ideology of feedback relations in Pakistan.” Population and Environment 15(2): 89-111.

Dube, SC (1977). Cultural factors in rural community development. in Anthropology in the development processEd. New Delhi, Vikas Pub. House Pvt. Ltd.: 139-155.

Dutt, A and J Rao (1996). “Growth, distribution, and the environment: Sustainable development in India.” World Development 24(2): 287-305.

This paper considers prospects for improving growth and income distribution in India that are broadly sustainable in terms of macroeconomic and environmental constraints. It first describes recent economic trends and the reform process, using a simple framework which can incorporate political economy issues. It then takes up environmental questions and the interaction of the environment and the macroeconomy. Based on this analysis, the economy's medium-term prospects are discussed under current policy and an alternative approach which is arguably more promising for growth, distribution, and the environment. (SSCI)


Fernandes, A (1987). “NGOs in South Asia: people's participation and partnership.” ^ World Development 15: 39-49.

Freitag, S (1989). Collective Action and Community Public Arenas and the Emergence of Communalism in North India. Berkeley, University of California Press.

Friedmann, J and H Rangan (1993). In Defense of Livelihood: Comparative Studies on Environmental Action. West Hartford, Conn., Kumarian Press.

Gadgil, M (1987). “Diversity: cultural and biological.” ^ Trends in Evolution and Ecology 2(12): 369-373.

Gadgil, M and P Rao (1994). “A system of positive incentives to conserve biodiversity.” Economic and Political Weekly 29(32): 2103-2107.

Ghilmire, K (1991). “The victims of development: an inquiry into ethnicity in development planning.” Development and Cooperation January(1).

Grove, R, V Damodaran, et al. (1998). Nature and the Orient: The Environmental History of South and Southeast Asia. Oxford, Oxford University Press.

Guha, R (1989). “Radical American environmentalism and wilderness preservation: a Third World critique.” ^ Environmental Ethics 11(1): 71-83.

Guha, R (1994). Social Ecology. Dehli, Oxford India.

Heinen, JT and PB Yonzon (1994). “A review of conservation issues and programs in Nepal: from a single species focus toward biodiversity protection.” Mountain Research and Development 14(1): 61-76.

Honigmann, JJ (1960). “A case study of community development in Pakistan.” Economic Development and Cultural Change 8: 288-303.

Karan, P (1994). “Environmental movements in India.” Geographical Review 84(1): 32-41.

Grassroots environmental movements following Gandhian nonviolent tradition are expanding in India. These movements differ from the ones in the West in that they are concerned with both environmental preservation and issues of economic equity and social justice. The Chipko movement in the Himalaya, Save the Narmada movement in central India, and the Silent Valley movement in the Malabar region of southern India are discussed as examples. (Journal)


Kothari, A, S Sori, et al. (1995). “Conservation in India - a new direction.” Economic and Political Weekly 30(43): 2755- 2766.

Kothari, R (1984). “Environment and alternative development.” Alternatives 5: 427-475.

Kreutzmann, H (1993). “Challenge and response in the Karakoram: socioeconomic transformation in Hunza, Northern Areas, Pakistan.” Mountain Research and Development 13(1): 19-39.

Pandey, DN (1986). “Utilization of natural resources as handicrafts of the Shompens.” Human Science 35(4): 318-327.

Pradan and Gram Vikras (1990). “Communal rights vs. private profit: tribal peoples in Northeast India.” The Ecologist 20(2): 105-107.

Rajasekaran, B and DM Warren (1994). “IK for socioeconomic development and biodiversity conservation: The Kolli hills.” Indigenous Knowledge and Development Monitor 2(2).


Rangan, H (1997). “Indian environmentalism and the question of the state: problems and prospects for sustainable development.” ^ Environment and Planning A 29(12): 2129-2143.

The author focuses on the problems inherent in environmentalist critiques of the Indian state, and the inability of their authors to provide a useful analytical approach for reforming state institutions engaged in environmental regulation and natural-resource management. After a review of the arguments made by leading spokespersons of Indian environmentalism, the author provides an alternative framework for understanding the different forms of state intervention in natural-resource management in colonial and postcolonial India. Three factors that have shaped dominant policy phases and strategies of state institutions engaged in resource management are highlighted: (1) major shifts in the political and economic processes that create pressures for state intervention; (2) competing demands on state institutions that shape the ways in which intervention occurs; and (3) conflicts, disputes, and negotiations that redefine the exercise of state control and the forms of resource management. In focusing on the interplay of these three factors, the author illustrates the continuities and major shifts in resource-management strategies adopted by state institutions in India. The inherent weaknesses (and reactionary populism) of Indian environmental debates are discussed, together with the inability of those involved to articulate strategies for moving towards sustainable urban and regional development within the recent policy phase of deregulation and market expansion in India. (SSCI)


Robbins, P (1998). “Authority and environment: institutional landscapes in Rajasthan, India.” ^ Annals Of The Association Of American Geographers 88(3): 410-435.

To date,there have been few systematic assessments of the role of social institutions-rules, norms, and systems of authority and power-in creating and reconfiguring natural environments. In the desert grass and shrub lands of Rajasthan, India, where multiple, contending institutions govern village resources in a state of legal pluralism, the need for such research is pressing. Here, state political interventions vie against traditional common and semiprivate rule arrangements for control of valuable pasture and forest resources. This paper introduces an authority-centered theoretical vocabulary for such an analysis and reviews research conducted during 1993-1994 comparing four institutional forms to assess the role of institutions in configuring resource extraction decisions made by producers and in creating distinct and distinguishable biotic conditions. The study results demonstrate that responses to authority differ along axes of gender caste, and class and so lead to varied decisions by producers, Each institutional form gives rise to a statistically significant pattern of annual and perennial herb distribution and of tree species occurrence. The location of enforcement, whether central or local, is shown to be Less important than the breadth of authority forms controlling the resource. The results hold implications for future work in cultural/political ecology and for global change research. They: also call into question any a priori assumptions of the superiority of either either state of local resource management regimes. (SSCI)


Sarkar, A (1997). “Sustainable development of India: resource management.” ^ International Journal of Sustainable Development 4(2): 136-142.

This paper deals with the problems of economic development and environment of India. It presents an analytical framework for sustainable development and applies it to the Indian economy, especially to the management of natural resources and the environment. The paper also provides specific policy guidelines. It particularly argues in favour of privatisation and operation of competitive markets for sustainable development. (Journal)


Sinha, S, S Gururani, et al. (1997). “'New traditionalist discourse of Indian environmentalism.” ^ Journal of Peasant Studies 24(3): 65-99.

Stone, L and G Campbell (1984). “The use and misuse of surveys in international development: an experiment from Nepal.” Human Organization 43(1): 27-37.

Tsing, A and P Greenough, Eds. (1999). Environmental Discourses and Human Welfare in South and Southeast Asia. Delhi, Oxford University Press.

Uphoff, N, Ed. (1982). ^ Rural Development and Local Organization in Asia. Delhi, Macmillan.

Uphoff, N (1986). Local Institutional Development: An Analytical Sourcebook with Cases. West Hartford., CT, Kumarian.

Uphoff, N (1992). “ Local institutions and participation for sustainable development.” ^ IIED Gatekeeper Series no 31, International Institute for Environment and Development, London.

Zurick, D (1990). “Traditional knowledge and conservation as a basis for development in a West Nepal village.” Mountain Research and Development 10(1): 23-33.

AGRICULTURE:


Baker, JM (1997). “Common property resource theory and the Kuhl irrigation systems of Himachal Pradesh, India.” ^ Human Organization 56(2): 199-208.

This article analyzes the differential stresses of increasing nonfarm employment on 39 gravity flow irrigation systems (kuhls) in Himachal Pradesh, India. By fragmenting common dependence on agriculture, increasing nonfarm employment has created stresses within kuhl regimes which manifest as declining participation, increased conflict, and the declining legitimacy of customary rules and authority structures. However, these effects are not evenly distributed across all kuhl regimes. To explain how and why some kuhl regimes have persisted without changing, most have transformed and endure, and a few have collapsed and are now managed by the state irrigation department, I use insights from current theories of common property resource systems to guide the development of an inductively derived explanatory framework. I demonstrate how the relative degree of differentiation of the regime members and the extent of members' reliance on kuhl water interact to influence the degree and nature of stress on kuhl regimes resulting from nonfarm employment, the nature of the regime's response to stress, and the efficacy of the responses. The framework accounts for the temporal and spatial variation of kuhl regimes in their degree of role specialization and organizational formalization, and the extent of state involvement in kuhl management. (SSCI)


Burton, S, H Schreier, et al. (1990). “Analysis of land-use options in Chitawan, Nepal.” ^ Mountain Research and Development 10(1): 73-87.

FOREST:


Agrawal, A (1996). “The community vs. the market and the state: forest use in Uttarakhand in the Indian Himalayas.” Journal of Agricultural & Environmental Ethics 9(1): 1- 15.

Most writers on resource management presume that local populations, if they act in their self-interest, seldom conserve or prefect natural resources without external intervention or privatization. Using the example of forest management by villagers in the Indian Himalayas, this paper argues that rural populations can often use resources sustainably and successfully, even under assumptions of self- interested rationality. Under a set of specified social and environmental conditions, conditions that prevail in large areas of the Himalayans and may also exist in. other mountain regions, community institutions are more efficient in managing resources than either private individuals or the central government. In advancing this argument, the paper undermines the often dogmatic belief in the universal superiority of private forms of ownership and management. (Author)


Agrawal, A (1996). Group size and successful collective action: a study of forest management institutions in the Indian Himalaya. WP# W96I-28, Forests, Trees and People Program, Phase II, IFRI Research Program, Indiana University.


Agrawal, A and GN Yadama (1997). “How do local institutions mediate market and population pressures on resources? Forest panchayats in Kumaon, India.” ^ Development and Change 28(3): 435-465.

This article addresses one of the most controversial issues in resource management: how do population and market pressures affect resource use? After examining some shortcomings in several major approaches to the issue, the authors use structural equation analysis to decipher the relative and reciprocal influence of population pressures, markets, and institutional arrangements on forest use in the Kumaon Himalaya in India. By deploying an approach which investigates comparatively the effects of these factors, the article attempts to find a way out of the stultifying positions that participants in the debate on overpopulation and environmental change are forced to adopt. The results presented in the second half of the article are especially interesting, showing that local institutions created by the state play a critical role in mediating the influence of structural and socio-economic variables. The findings thus possess significant implications for all who are interested in co-management of renewable resources by the state and the community. (Econlit)


Amancher, G, W Hyde, et al. (1993). “Local adoption of new forestry technologies: an example from Pakistan northwest frontier

province.” ^ World Development 21(3): 445-453.

Technology transfer is an important, but previously unexamined, topic for forestry activities in international development projects. This paper uses household economics and an example from Pakistan's Northwest Frontier Province to inquire into the characteristics most likely to explain household and community adoption of new forestry technologies. Household attitudes toward risk and household expectations of the uncertain gains from adoption are critical. Adopting households probably have higher incomes and greater endowments of land, labor, and capital. Good extension foresters are also important, but their personal character may be even more important than their technical expertise. (SSCI)


Andersen, KE (1990). “Forest and people in South Asia: institutions and entitlements in life support systems.” Folk 32: 177-193.

Appasamy, PP (1993). “Role of non-timber forest products in a subsistence economy: the case of a joint forestry project in India.” ^ Economic Botany 47(3): 258-267.

Arnold, JEM (1990). “Social forestry and communal management in India.” Social Forestry Network Paper 11b, Overseas Development Institute, London.

Arnold, JEM and JG Campbell (1986). Collective Management of Hill Forests in Nepal: The Community Forestry Development Project. Proceedings of the Conference on Common Property Resource Management, Washington, National Academy Press.

Baker, J (1998). “The effect of community structure on social forestry outcomes: insights from Chota Nagpur, India.” ^ Mountain Research and Development 18(1): 51-62.

Social forestry integrates rural people with forest management in an attempt to improve rural welfare and reverse environmental degradation. Social forestry depends on people, yet the ability to assess opportunities for it is primarily based on technical criteria. Uniform social forestry programs are implemented in communities with different social characteristics without a clear understanding of the effects of those characteristics on people's actions and the outcomes of the program. Based on survey research among eighteen villages in the hilly Chota Nagpur Plateau, southeastern Bihar, India, this paper uses theories of collective action and common property resource management to investigate the relationship between social differentiation, local institutional capacity and wealth distribution, and the likelihood of success of private or community-based social forestry strategies. The results provide the basis for distinguishing among communities according to the probable effectiveness of different forms of social forestry, as well as for determining appropriate roles for external organizations interested in promoting social forestry. Additionally, the paper includes discussion of other factors such as local leadership, land and tree tenure, relations with external institutions, and ecological variation which affect social forestry outcomes. (SSCI)


Ballabh, V and K Singh (1988). “Van (forest) panchayats in Uttar Pradesh hills: a critical analysis.” ^ Research Paper 2, Institute of Rural Management.

Bhatt, CP (1990). “The Chipko Andolan: forest conservation based on people's power.” Environment and Urbanization 2( 1): 7-18.

(A revised version of a chapter in The Fight for Survival-People's Action for Environment, Agarwal, A., D'Monte, Darryl, & Samarth, Ujwala [Eds], Centre for Science & Environment, 1987.) The development of Chipko Andolan, a movement to prevent the destruction of forests, & its relationship to other community groups within the Uttarakhand region of the central Himalayas in India during the 1970s & 1980s are discussed. The background to the Chipko Andolan, its philosophy, principles, & the experiences of the Dasholi Gram Swarajya Mandal, mother organization of the Chipko Andolan, are presented. It is concluded that deforestation is a worldwide ecological problem that can be solved only by citizen participation. (Copyright 1991, Sociological Abstracts, Inc., all rights reserved.)


Bostock-Wood, C (1992). Trees in Society in Rural Karnataka, India. London, Overseas Development Agency.

Britt, C (1997). ^ Platforms for Communication: Emerging Networks in Community Forestry.

Chambers, R, NC Saxena, et al. (1989). To the Hands of the Poor: Water and Trees. New Delhi, Oxford.

Chaudhuri, B (1991). “Forest, forest development and community participation.” Indian Anthropologist 21(1): 9-16.

Commander, S (1986). Managing Indian forests: a case for the reform of property rights. ^ Social Forestry Network Paper 3b. London, Overseas Development Institute.

Corbridge, S and S Jewitt (1997). “From forest struggles to forest citizens? Joint Forest Management in the unquiet woods of India's Jharkhand.” Environment and Planning A 29(12): 2145-2164.

The government of India has embraced joint forest management as a key strategy for dealing with forest degradation and forest employment issues in the 1990s. This represents a significant movement away from the forest reservation policies that held sway from 1947 to 1988 and which criminalised many local forest users. In this paper we consider the role played by forest struggles and forest intellectuals (notably Guha and Gadgil) in the rewriting of India's forest policies. We also evaluate the utility of a moral economy framework in guiding joint forest management policies in India's Jharkhand. We draw on village-level fieldwork in Ranchi District, Bihar, to highlight the value of an approach to the management of Degraded Protected Forests that offers a key role to active and informed forest citizens (as per the moral economy framework). We also highlight five areas of present concern: the extent of local environmental knowledges, not least among women; questions of territoriality and excludeability in respect of forest protection activities; trust, imagined communities, and forest citizenship; the role of charismatic leaders; and the importance of complementary 'nonforest' policies. (SSCI)


Dove, M (1992). “The dialectical history of 'jungle' in Pakistan: an examination of the relationship between nature and culture.” ^ Journal of Anthropological Research 48: 231-253.

Edwards, DM (1993). The marketing of Non-imber Forest Products from the Himalayas: The Trade Between East Nepal and India. London, Overseas Development Institute.

Fernandes, W and G Menon (1987). Tribal Women and Forest Economy. New Delhi, Indian Social Institute.

Fernandes, W, G Menon, et al. (1988). ^ Forest, Environment and Tribal Economy: Deforestation, Impoverishment and Marginalisation in Orissa. New Delhi, Indian Social Institute.

Forestry Research Support Programme for Asia and the Pacific (1992). Research results: peoples rights to forest resources in India. Bangkok, FAO/FORSPA.

Fox, J (1993). “Forest resources in a Nepali village in 1980 and 1990: the positive influence of population growth.” ^ Mountain Research and Development 13(1): 89-98.

Fox, R (1969). “ "Professional Primitives": hunters and gatherers of Nuclear South Asia.” Man in India 49: 139-160.

French, JH and RA Gecolea ( 1985). Forester's guide for community involvement in upland conservation, with special reference to the Asia and Pacific region. Kathmandu, NP, U.N. Food and Agriculture Organization.

Ganesan, B (1993). “Extraction of non-timber forest products, including fodder and fuelwood, in Mudumalai, India.” ^ Economic Botany 47(3): 268-274.

Gautam, KH (1986). Private planting: forestry practices outside the forest by rural people. in Strengthening Institutional Capacity in the Food and Agricultural Sector in NepalEd. Kathmandu, AID/Nepal

Winrock.

Gibbs, C (1982). ^ Institutional Obstacles to Effective Forestry for Local Community Development in Asia. USAID Conference on Forestry and Development in Asia, Bangalore India.

Gunatilake, HM (1998). “The role of rural development in protecting tropical rainforests: evidence from Sri Lanka.” Journal of Environmental Management 53(3): 273-292.

Despite the interest and willingness of donor communities to support the conservation projects of tropical rainforests, scientific evidence on effective ways of providing such assistance is lacking. Recent evidence on failures of integrated conservation and development projects also highlight the need for more research in this area. Dependency of local communities on forest resources is a major obstacle in implementing forest protection programmes. This paper develops two forest dependency models for Knuckles and Sinharaja forests in Sri Lanka. Data were collected from peripheral villages of Knuckles and Sinharaja forests applying stratified random sampling procedures. Two regression models were developed incorporating nine socio-economic variables. Results show that involvement in non-farm and non-forestry employment, higher agricultural income, higher agricultural productivity, better education and, possibly, the incorporation of local communities into the outside markets can reduce dependency on forest resources. Therefore, the paper suggests rural development with the above components as an alternative strategy for forest protection. (SSCI)


Gunatilake, HM, DMAH Senaratine, et al. (1993). “Role of nontimber forest products in the economy of peripheral communities of Knuckles National Wilderness area of Sri Lanka.” Economic Botany 47(3): 275-281.

Hunter, JR (1981). “Tendu (Diospyros melanonylon) leaves, bidi cigarettes and resource management.” Economic Botany 35(4): 450-459.


Jewitt, S (1995). “Voluntary and 'official' forest protection committees in Bihar: solutions to India's deforestation?” Journal of Biogeography 22(6): 1003-1021.

Particularly since India's Independence, concern about forest decline and opposition by forest-dependent populations to a perceived neglect and exploitation of local forests by the Forest Department has resulted, in certain areas, in the establishment of community-based forest protection committees. In Bihar, attempts to overcome the antagonistic Forest Department relations that prevailed during much of the 1980s, plus a recognition of the need to involve local people more in forest management and protection, have resulted in the establishment of the Bihar joint forest management programme. This aims to follow the example set by autonomous forest protection committees by setting up 'village protection and management committees' in degraded Protected forest areas. This paper, which stems from my doctoral fieldwork in the Jharkhand region of Bihar, will examine the issue of forest protection in light of three main issues. A first issue concerns the extent to which a strong historical sense of place and (particularly tribal) identity can be effective in mobilising an interest in and concern for local resource management and protection. A second issue concerns the degree to which traditional, charismatic village leaders are important in overcoming intra-village tensions over resource use and promoting successful forms of community action. A third issue concerns the extent to which the above two factors are likely to be important in the success of 'official' forest protection and management committees. (SSCI)


Kant, S and NG Mehta (1993). “A forest based tribal economy: a case study of Motisingloti village.” ^ Forests, Trees and People Newsletter April.

Kishore, KC (1988). Participatory inputs in community forestry; case study of Chhang village panchayat of Tanahu District.

Krishnaswamy, A (1995). “Sustainable development and community forest management in Bihar, India.” ^ Society and Natural Resources 8(4): 339-350.

Deforestation has impoverished many rural communities in developing countries that depend on forests for their basic needs. Contemporary sustainable development (SD) theory focuses on how to meet the basic needs of the poor while conserving the resource base on which they depend. Thus, forest conservation is a major component of SD efforts. In the Indian state of Bihar, efforts to conserve forests through centralized tree plantation programs have not succeeded. High priority has since been accorded to community forest management on the assumption that sustainable resource use is most likely to occur if local communities participate in managing tile resources on which they depend. However, externally initiated community Sorest management efforts ill Bihar have not proved very effective in controlling deforestation. Consequently local communities have started managing state-owned forests on their own. These self-initiated efforts have proved quite effective at regenerating forests. However, local initiatives can be sustained only if supported by external institutions. (Journal)


Longhurst, R (1987). Household food security, tree planting and the poor: the case of Gujarat. ^ Social Forestry Network Paper 5d,. London, Overseas Development Institute.

Malhotra, KC, D Deb, et al. (1993). “The role of non-timber forest products in village economies of South West Bengal.” Rural Development Forestry Network Paper 15d, Overseas Development Institute, London.

Malhotra, KC, M Poffenberger, et al. (1991). “Rapid appraisal methodology trials in Southwest Bengal: assessing natural forest regeneration patterns and non-wood forest product harvesting practices.” ^ Forests, Trees, and People 15/16: 18-25.


Melkania, NP and SL Shah (1988). “Social aspects of soil conservation and afforestation projects in Civil/Soyam and Panchayat lands in Central Himalaya.” Man and Development 10(3): 68-80.

The social aspects of soil conservation & social forestry programs in Almora District, India, are analyzed. The diversification practices of hill farmers are considered, & the conflict between the rational aims of the state in conserving the environment, & of the farmers in assuring their survival, is discussed. The social aspects of afforestation, & the need for early returns on investment in forests are examined. Methods for encouraging private forestry are presented, & recommendations for forest management laid out. Forestry programs need continuous & intelligent community involvement. (Copyright 1989, Sociological Abstracts, Inc., all rights reserved.)


Mishra, S (1994). “Women's indigenous knowledge of forest management in Orissa (India).” ^ Indigenous Knowledge and Development Monitor 2(3).

Moench, M (1991). “Politics of deforestation: a case study of Cardamom Hills of Kerala.” Economic and Political Weekly 26(4): 47-60.

Morris, B (1977). “ Tappers, trappers and the hill Pandaram (South India).” Anthropos 72: 225-241.

Nesmith, C (1991). “Gener, trees and fuel: social forestry in west Bengal, India.” Human Organization 50(4): 337-348.

This paper argues that participation in, and benefits from, social forestry are mediated by both class and gender. In three case-study villages in Midnapore District, West Bengal, it was found that although farm forestry was taken up by some members of all income groups, the lowest level of participation was among the poorest households. The level of women's participation in planning and implementation was less than that of men; however, women are at present gaining significant fuel benefits in the form of eucalyptus leaves. Class divisions between women also result in differentiated access to the new fuel resource. (SSCI)


Neupane, IP (1987). Community forestry: assessment of people's cooperation in Magapauwa. Forestry Research Paper Series, No.8. Kathmandu, USAID/Nepal.

Ojha, BR (1987). Evaluation of Lekhnath Panchayat community forest development project. Forestry Research Paper Series, No.9. Kathmandu, USAID/Nepal.

Pandey, S and G Yadama (1990). “Conditions for local level community forestry action: a theoretical explanation.” Mountain Research and Development 10(1): 88-95.

Poffenberger, M (1994). The resurgence of community forest management in eastern India. in Natural Connections. Perspectives in Community-based Conservation. D Western and RM Wright, Ed. Washington, D.C, Island Press: 53-79.

Poffenberger, M and B McGean (1998). Village Voices, Forest Choices: Joint Forest Management in India. Oxford, Oxford University Press.

Poffenberger, M and RD Stone (1996). “Hidden faces in the forest: a twenty first century challenge for tropical Asia.” ^ SAIS Review 16: 203-219.

In view of international concern about tropical and subtropical deforestation, the writers argue that it is those who are the most directly affected by deforestation indigenous peoples and long term migrants who live in the area that hold the key to managing forests sustainably. They present several examples of past and current efforts toward conservation and community minded forestry policies by international aid agencies, initiated in part to deal with nongovernmental organizations' calls for more environmentally sound projects. They highlight the efficacy of community based forest management using several telling examples of forest protection movements and programs throughout Asia. The writers conclude that rural resource users are the hidden faces behind a subtle but potentially revolutionary change in the management of forest resources throughout Asia, to which policymakers and aid lenders would do well to pay closer attention. (Wilsonweb)


Prakash, S and S Chowdhury (1990). “Ecological implications of economic development of Meghalaya (India): a study of levels and patterns of consumption and production of forest-based commodities.” ^ Journal of Quantitative Economics 6(1): 161-178.

Prasai, Y, J Gronow, et al. (1987). Women's participation of forest committees: case study. Forestry Research Paper Series, No. 11. Kathmandu, USAID/Nepal.

Raju, G, R Vaghela, et al. (1993). Development of People's Institutions for Management of Forests. Ahmedabad, India, Viksat, Nehru Foundation for Development.

Rangan, H (1995). “Contested boundaries: state policies, forest classifications, and deforestation in the Garhwal Himalayas.” Antipode 27(4): 343-362.

Deforestation in the Indian Himalayas is examined. It is typically argued that environmental decay in the Himalayas has been caused by deforestation practices that have overrun the indigenous culture's relationship with the land. Drawing on colonial & forestry histories, it is said that this notion misreads how these indigenous communities have farmed their land. Instead, it is argued that deforestation is not widespread, but located in communities with the social power & political ability to extract ecological resources from their surroundings. Specifically, following the Indian Forest Act of 1865, multiple groups, including indigenous landlords & merchants, sued the government in contest of the program's restrictions & eventually redefined forestry categories along regional & local rules favoring broad usage loopholes. It is concluded that these forestry practices represent a history of contestation & negotiation between state & local communities & that particular classes have played a fundamental role in shaping forest use, management, & conservation in the region. (Source)


Rangan, H (1996). From Chipko to Uttaranchal: development, environment, and social protest in the Garhwal Himalayas, India. in ^ Liberation Ecologies: Environment, Development, Social Movements. R Peet and M Watts, Ed. London, Routledge.

Rangan, H (1997). “Property vs. control: the state and forest management in the Indian Himalaya.” Development and Change 28: 71-94.

The latest orthodoxy to emerge in environmental literature centres on the notion that state ownership of forests results in poor management and ecological degradation. Depending on their political persuasion, scholars, policy-makers and activists either advocate privatization of state forests, or demand their transferral to local communities as solutions for promoting sustainable forest management. This article argues that such proposals are flawed because they assume that ownership status determines the ways in which resources are used and managed. It argues that an analytical distinction needs to be made between property and control for understanding the complex interplay of social, economic, political and ecological factors that influence forest stock, composition and quality. Through a historical analysis of the development of state forestry in the Indian Himalaya, the article shows how state ownership of forests does not result in the monolithic imposition of proprietary rights, but emerges instead as an ensemble of access and management regimes. (SSCI)


Reddy, P (1994). Hunter-gatherers and the politics of environment and development in India. in ^ Key Issues in Hunter-Gatherer ResearchEd. Providence, Berg: 357-375.


Robbins, P (1998). “Paper forests: imagining and deploying exogenous ecologies in arid India.” Geoforum 29(1): 59-86.

Debate about the causes and consequences of regional deforestation in India has paved the way for calls to action and intervention, and state-sponsored afforestation has led to government claims of progress against land degradation. Census statistics from the arid state of Rajasthan show a tide of forests reclaiming the land. These trends obscure crucial realities that continue to undermine the claims of the state: forest ecosystems continue to disappear, expanding cover is characterized by an ecologically narrow range of species, and forest management remains rooted in a decision structure that fails to educe local knowledge and experience. More fundamentally, the flaws in the Rajasthani forest campaign reflect an entrenched pattern that has long guided authorities in the region; to govern the landscape, the state must quite literally construct forests-as mental categories, discursive tropes, and material realities-where none have existed before. The material conditions of tree cover are, in this way, influenced by the discursive forms of forest imported into the region. This paper surveys the contradictory trends in Rajasthani land cover, interrogating the relationship between the forests that expand on paper and those that dwindle on the ground. In the process, the paper contributes to ongoing work in poststructural political ecology by asking how discourse matters in the reconstitution of material ecologies and by linking the construction of ecological categories to the formation of landscapes. (C) 1998 Elsevier Science Ltd.


Rodgers, WA (1994). “The sacred groves of Meghalaya.” Man in India 74(4): 339-348.

Saberwal, V (1996). “You can't grow timber and goats in the same patch of forest: grazing policy formulation in Himachal Pradesh, India, 1865-1960. Prepared for presentation at the workshop on Agrarian Environments: Resources, Representations and Rule in India, Program in Agrarian Studies, New Haven Yale University. May 2-4, 1997.” .

Sardar, S, Ed. (1995). Joint Management of Protected Areas in India. New Delhi, Indian Institute of Public Administration.

Sarin, M (1993). From conflict to collaboration: local institutions in joint forest management. New Delhi, National Support Group for JFM, APWD, and the Ford Foundation.

Sarin, M (1995). “Joint forest management in India: achievements and unaddressed challenges.” Unasylva 46(180): 30-36.

Schweik, C, K Adhikari, et al. (1997). “Land-cover change and forest institutions: a comparison of two sub-basins in the southern Siwalik Hills of Nepal.” ^ Mountain Research and Development 17(2): 99- 116.

Land-cover change was studied in two adjacent sub-basins of the Kair Khola watershed in the Chitwan District of Nepal using air photographs and Geographic Information Systems (GIS). It was determined that between 1978 and 1992 dramatic forest conversion occurred in both sub-basins. However, the form of conversion differed significantly. In one sub-basin dense forest was most often converted to maize-based agriculture, while in the other dense forest most often became degraded forest. A village-level investigation of forest governance was undertaken to determine whether community and institutional arrangements explain the differences in land-cover change or whether they are the result of human response to physical and topographic influences alone. It was found that in both sub- basins there are similar institutional structures that are inadequate to control the overexploitation of forest resources and this common attribute, coupled with topographic differences, is responsible for the different forms of land- cover change in the area. Some policy recommendations based on these findings are presented. (Source)


Seabrook, J (1996). “ Development as Colonialism: The ODA in India.” ^ Race and Class 37( 4): 13-29.

Assesses the current reality & future goals of GB's Overseas Development Administration's (ODA) forestry project in the western ghats of India. The ODA, in cooperation with the local Karnataka Forest Dept (KFD), sought to promote long-term conservation measures, employ new forest management approaches, & help those dependent on the forest to sustain the environment. Due to the failure of previous programs, the ODA attempted to enlist local support & cooperation; however, local approval declined as KFD authorities increasingly ignored local sentiment & conceded to the whims of the economic elite. Furthermore, the joint projects between the KFD & locals evidenced a gradual tendency toward total control by the KFD. Despite complex training efforts, it is argued that London-based training & initiatives fail to harmonize with local conservation criteria, & ODA has led to decreased local access to forest resources. Though it has provided useful conservation information & measures, many forest officials have succumbed to corruption & the project has adopted a proindustrial stance. T. Sevier (Copyright 1996, Sociological Abstracts, Inc., all rights reserved.)


Shankar, U, KS Murall, et al. (1998). “Extraction of non-timber forest products in the forests of Biligiri Rangan Hills, India: impact of floristic diversity and population structure in a thorn scrub forest.” ^ Economic Botany 52(3): 302-315.

Shrestha, NK, G Kafle, et al. (1997). “Community forest user group networking and the emergence of a federation of community forestry users in Nepal.” Forests, Trees and People Newsletter 32.

Shrestha, RLJ (1986). Incentives and distribution of benefits in community forestry: the case of Nepal. in Community forestry: Lessons from case studies in Asia and the Pacific region. YS Rao, Ed. Bangkok, FAO Regional Office for Asia and the Pacific: 87-102.

Silwal, UK (1986). Attitude, awareness, & level of people's participation in the community forestry development program, Nepal. Forestry Research Paper Series, No.3, USAID/Nepal.

Singh, G (1997). “Sacred groves in western Himalaya: an eco-cultural imperative.” Man In India 77(2-3): 247-257.

Sivaramakrishnan, K (1995). “Colonialism and forestry in India: imagining the past in present.” Comparative Studies in Society and History 37(1): 3-40.

Somanathan, E (1991). “Deforestation, property rights, and incentives in Central Himalaya.” Economic and Political Weekly 26(4): 37-46.

Soussan, J (1991). “Planning for sustainability: access to fuelwood in Dhanusha district, Nepal.” World Development 19(10): 1299-1314.

This paper examines the problem of putting sustainable development ideas into practice through the detailed consideration of a recent fuelwood planning exercise in Dhanusha District in southern Nepal. The ways in which biomass fuels are produced and used are examined through their relationship to tenurial relations and proximity to the district's forest area. From this, the scale and nature of fuelwood problems are identified and a strategy to develop sustainable solutions to these problems is advanced. This strategy is based on the involvement of the local community at every stage of the planning process and the empowerment of local people through their direct control over decisions on the use of land and financial resources. The study concludes that sustainable planning is possible, but is far from easy. Above all, it depends on a different relationship between agencies of the state and the local communities which planning is intended to help. (Source)


Srivastava, R (1984). “Tribals of Madhya Pradesh and the forest bill of 1980.” Man in India 64(3): 320-327.

Tewari, DD and JY Campbell (1995). “Developing and sustaining non-timber forest products: some policy issues and concerns with special reference to India.” Journal of Sustainable Forestry 3(1): 53.

Wickramasinghe, A, MR Perez, et al. (1996). “Nontimber forest product gathering in Ritigala Forest (Sri Lanka): household strategies and community differentiation.” ^ Human Ecology 24: 493-519.

Sri Lanka has a long tradition of forest product use. The relationship of people with a dry zone forest was studied using a sample of 48 households in two villages that varied in distance to the forest and access to the market. All households interviewed collected subsistence forest products and a majority of them also collected commercial products. The daily peak season income from commercial gathering was 4.5 to 7.7 times the daily labor wage. There is a strong gender specialization, with commercial gathering dominated by men whereas subsistence gathering is almost exclusively the task of women. The average forest derived household income in the village closer to the forest and with better market access was nearly double that of the other village. Family size as a proxy of labor availability was the main discriminating factor between those households who did and those who did not gather commercial products. A small inverse relationship between forest gathering and size of household agricultural land (particularly paddy rice) was observed. No clear relationship was found between total household income and forest derived income, contradicting the view that commercial forest gathering is an exclusive activity of the poorest households. (Source)


Yadama, GN (1997). “Tales from the field: observations on the impact of nongovernmental organizations.” ^ International Social Work 40: 145-162.

The writer presents qualitative and quantitative evidence of the performance of nongovernmental organizations (NGOs), based on a study of four community forestry programs in the Vishakapatnam District of Andhra Pradesh, India. He reviews some of the criticisms of NGOs, and he offers specific observations about the type of problems and issues that NGOs fail to address in community forestry programs and why these issues are neglected. He argues that among the factors contributing to NGO ineffectiveness are a lack of technical expertise, absence of mechanisms to deal with unfair market practices, neglect of social and economic disparities, and conflict and competition among NGOs. He concludes by suggesting possible ways of improving the effectiveness of NGOs. (Source)





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