ContentsIntroduction: Globalisation, higher education and gender equity
Understanding Women’s Disciplinary Choices
The Indian Context
Higher education, access and equality: Policy framework
Indian Higher Education System
Women in Higher Education
Enrolment in General and Professional Education
Percentage distribution in disciplines/subjects
Enrolment by Level/Stage
Caste, Class, Gender and Region
Disciplinary Choices and Career Options?
Is Higher Education Fair to Women?
Bureaucrats, Technocrats, Femocrats
GENDER AND DISCIPLINARY CHOICES: WOMEN IN HIGHER EDUCATION IN INDIA
Zakir Husain Centre for Educational Studies,
School of Social Sciences
Jawaharlal Nehru University,
New Delhi-110 067
e-mail – firstname.lastname@example.org
Paper prepared for the UNESCO Colloquium on Research and Higher Education Policy ‘Knowledge, Access and Governance: Strategies for Change’, 1-3 December, 2004, Paris.
Gender and Disciplinary Choices: Women in Higher Education in India
This paper focuses on the access and participation of women students in higher education in India in the pre and post economic liberalization phase. Women gained access to higher education gradually during the first four decades after independence in 1947. It was possible because higher education was fully state funded and was highly subsidized. However, their participation was characterized by clustering in the feminine, non-professional and non-market courses in general education. Further, socio-cultural and economic factors acted as barriers to their ability to access higher education. The pressures for change emanating from globalisation came when higher education system was unable to meet the rising social demand for professional education. The self-funded private institutions met this demand for subjects which have been masculine domains. Women have entered these institutions. How are the women affected by the change in the disciplinary options offered by higher education? Do we have sufficient macro and micro data to analyze the trends and shifts in the disciplinary choices of women in higher education in India?
The changes spearheaded by economic liberalization and globalisation1 are impacting on higher education (HE) worldwide. The relationships between the governments and universities are changing all over the world. Some of the features that characterize this change are: reduction in government funding and the pressure on the universities to raise funds from the industry, the market and the individual student (Clark 1996; Marginson 1997; Bacchi 2001); universities have been forced to downsize; and the language of efficiency and accountability associated with corporate management is being used to run and to evaluate universities. All these changes have an impact on pursuing equity issues within the universities because "a commitment to equity and a commitment to cost-cutting" (Bacchi 2001: 120) may not go hand-in-hand. Several scholars have debated the issue of compatibility between managerialism and equity (Sawer 1989; Yeatman 1990).
There is also conflict between the traditional image of the university as the place where the pursuit of disinterested scholarship was the main aim and the new image of a corporate university. This conflict is not new. The emerging democracies in industrialising societies in 20th century have always expected that universities will reflect the broader social issues and concerns instead of being just the creators of knowledge. However, the recent shift to a corporate profit culture is in sharp contrast to the image of the university as an agent of social change and social mobility.
While globalisation can be observed in several strategic sites (McInnon and Brooks 2001; Sassen 1998), this paper looks at the university as a site of globalisation. The university is one of the sites where one can observe the playing out of the global information economy, the transformation of the notion of knowledge and work, and the transformation of the place of equity. These are likely to provide positive and negative possibilities for the position of women. What are its implications for women who are part of the gendered system of higher education? (Chanana 2003; Brooks and McInnon 2001).
Slaughter and Leslie (1997) mention four critical implications of globalisation for higher education in their study of four countries of Australia, Canada, USA and UK. Of these two are pertinent for our discussion. These are: reduction of public funds and the growing importance of techno science and subjects related to international markets. The third critical implication is the change in the stratification of disciplines between arts and science has changed; the expansion of the applied/professional subjects and the private sector as a critical player and shifts in the subject choices of women.
According to McKinnon and Brooks (2001) central to globalisation are some of the components of technology, namely, information technology, advanced telecommunications, and innovation etc. The social movements which represent civil society have been questioning the dominance of technology in higher education. They also question the formulation of research agendas around the new technologies and at the marginalisation of social issues and the social policy research areas in which the women academic staff and students are generally disproportionately located.
Therefore, globalisation is accompanied by an increased focus on techno sciences which have gendered implications because women are less likely to be involved in those areas which are frontrunners in the new economy and the market; they are also likely to be at the lower levels; they may also be unable to adjust to the time-space compression that IT demands or fosters (Harvey 1993). Those who are located in the more reflective areas and those who can quickly respond to the call of the market will react differently to these changes. Do women have the time to join the race for procuring funds for research or for running the departments? How would they fair in the race for promotions if they are linked to funds? Further, wealth creation replaces the traditional concern with the liberal education of undergraduates (Sassen 1997:37) a majority of whom are women.
Additionally, women academics who have been involved in feminist critiques are generally located in the humanities and the social sciences and are likely to be affected by the homogenisation of research activity within and across disciplines which according to Marginson is an effort "to make the butterflies fly in formation" (2000: 192). According to McKinnon and Brooks, the feminist scholars would wish to disrupt these formations and would like to fly in quite contrary ways (2001:6)
Moreover, the new developments have led to the devaluation of disciplines which have been the choice of women. For example, women are generally located in the humanities and the social sciences, subjects which are perceived as dispensable by the Vice Chancellor and his team of managers consisting of academics and university teachers because they are more concerned about bottom lines than about equity goals. It is quite common to hear these days from university administrators and academics, who are not part of the liberal subjects, ask the question: why should students study history or sociology or the languages? How are women’s choices affected by this development?
Globalisation has changed the world into a global market and where the jobs are generated is not restricted by geographical boundaries. Further, the direct nexus between the industry, corporate world and higher education has brought a transformation in the skills needed for jobs. There has been a corresponding change in the boundaries between arts and science subjects. While the stratification between arts and science has been further reinforced, the sciences are subdivided into applied/ emerging vs pure sciences. Natural/pure sciences are relegated to a lower position than are the applied sciences and professional skills. Again, academic courses related to biosciences such as molecular biology, micro-biology, biochemistry, biophysics are preferred over biology, physics and chemistry. In this hierarchy of disciplines, new disciplines such as management, media and mass communication, fashion technology etc. have also taken their place towards the higher end of the spectrum. The private institutions are very quick to respond to these demands.
While women used to enter colleges and universities mainly in general education or in arts subjects till the early nineties, now they are entering the private self-financing institutions for pursuing their studies in both the new and the traditionally labelled ‘masculine’ disciplines. The gendered impact of the changes requires attention if the goal of social change and gender equity has to be achieved. The study of gender is, in effect, the study of inequality (Thomas 1990:2) and social differences are critical to the understanding of women’s disciplinary choices.
This paper is based on the premise that the family and the educational institutions are the sites of social reproduction which communicates the binary opposition of femininity and masculinity and its evaluative component of inferior and superior to little girls and boys who grow up interiorizing this difference. When they enter schools, the same message is conveyed in several ways. Again, the ideologies that permeate the socialization process in the family and the home also underlie the educational structures and organizations.
This paper highlights the need to look at women within the regional context while emphasising diversity and heterogeneity within the Indian subcontinent. Although it is possible to talk about Indian women at one level, it is also important to look at the inter-regional differences and variations as well as across women belonging to different castes, tribes, and strata. These are also interlocking systems of domination (hooks 1989:22).
The use of feminist sociological perspectives in educational theory, research, teaching and pedagogy and their contribution to women’s educational experience has been considerable. Researchers working on gender and education initially assumed that increased participation of girls in education would eliminate inequality if their underachievement and under representation were taken care of (Megarry 1984). It was also suggested that sex role socialization and consequent stereotyping of the ‘feminine’ role impacted upon the girls’ educational situation. Initally the underachievement of girls and their segregation into humanities and arts and boys into science were concerns at the school level. Later, the subject choice and its relationship to gender in higher education also received attention (Acker 1994; Harding 1986; Thomas 1990; Keller 1983; Becher 1981; Hudson 1972). It is argued that the clustering of women in specific subjects leads to their occupational segregation later in life (Sharpe 1976; Deem 1978; Wolpe 1978).
Understanding the gender-specific connotations of certain fields of learning is crucial if we are to comprehend the process by which gender inequality is produced in education (Thomas 1990:7).
According to Becher (1981) ‘academic subjects are not neutral, they are cultures, each with its own way of perceiving and interpreting the world. (Quoted in Thomas 1990:7)
One of the main concerns has been the imbalance as seen in arts vis-a-vis science at the school level i.e. girls’ enrolment in science subjects is much lower in comparison to boys. They tended to cluster in arts, humanities, social sciences. Sociologists contended that this imbalance in subjects, had to be redressed to remove inequality (Kelly 1981; Harding 1983; Whyte 1986). The central argument was that not only should more girls enrol in science in school, they must also do well. The argument is that girls tend to opt for specific subjects because of their socialization which relates feminine roles to feminine subjects. In India, it was decided as a follow up of the New Educational Policy 1986 to make science compulsory for all students up to the Xth standard to ensure that all girls will read science.
Thus, the disciplinary choices of women have been the focus of debate in the feminist discourse on education and gender. Much has been written on the patriarchal imprint on the disciplinary choices of women in higher education and on the feminine and masculine dichotomy of disciplines (Acker 1990, Thomas 1994). Since masculinity and femininity are social constructions (Kellner 1997) the underlying assumptions about subject or disciplinary choices have to be uncovered along with their close connection to women's place in society (Harding 1986). Thomas argues that it is a reflection of the balance of power between the sexes. She mentions (1990:5) three important assumptions. The first is that of the demarcation between science from arts or physics from biology. In other words, what is the meaning of science and how are science subjects demarcated? The second relates to the belief that science is more difficult than the humanities and within science physics is the most difficult. Why this belief when the best student in physics may falter in humanities and vice-versa. The third assumption relates to the belief that science is good. Thomas says that this is the most debatable and important assumption. This has been falsified recently in view of the evidence that science has been used for warfare and armaments (Rose 1986). According to Millett ( 1983 ), this assumption perpetuates male dominance in science.
Therefore, one should try to understand why certain subjects have become associated with women, and others with men. Why is it prestigious to take up science and mathematics? Why science and mathematics are difficult? Moreover, subjects are considered masculine not because of numerical preponderance of men but it is the other way around i.e. science is viewed as masculine and therefore, more men take it. ‘To both scientists and their public, scientific thought is male thought, in ways that painting and writing – also performed largely by men-never have been’ (Keller 1983:188).
There are several dimensions of changes that have taken place since 1991, the most important of which is in the position of the government which is reflected in the reduction of state funding to higher education, entry of private players, the increase in the individual cost of higher education i.e., the self-financing of higher education, the entry of foreign institutions, the large number of Indian students who go abroad on self-financing basis, change in the academic environment of higher educational institutions, impact on the service conditions of teachers, the parameters of efficiency and accountability being transferred from management discourse to educational discourse, the overwhelming dominance of professional and technoscience subjects, etc. All of them need to be looked at and analysed from a gender perspective. However, the expansion of professional education and the changes in the disciplinary choices is the most visible.
An attempt is made here to see the influence of the so-called economic liberalisation and the market demand on women's access to higher education as well as women’s choices of subjects because one sees a perceptible change in the choices of women at least in the metropolitan cities in India where they are flocking to the new 'professional' courses such as management, fashion designing, computers, human resource management etc. Therefore, the question: how far are these trends reflected at the macro-level and do we have sufficient data to demonstrate the trends?
I look at the developments in higher education, the emergence of the private self financing or self funded educational institutions, the demand for professional and vocational courses at the undergraduate level especially after secondary education; and change in the disciplinary choices of women in the societal context which is diverse and heterogeneous.
Indian society is characterized by divisions of caste, class, religion, region and sex. Caste is the most pervasive parameter which divides Indian society, especially the Hindus who form nearly 82 percent of the population and it gives an extremely hierarchical nature to Indian society. Other non-Hindu groups are also characterized by several features of the caste system and the term ‘caste’ as used in this chapter applies to all these groups. Caste or jati refers to an endogamous group. Membership in the caste is hereditary. Castes are arranged hierarchically. It is easy to identify the castes at the top and the bottom. It is difficult, however, to identify a nationwide hierarchy of castes because of their rootedness in the regional culture.
Broadly, there is a difference between the twice-born castes and the untouchables (or the Scheduled Castes) i.e. the division of people into clean and unclean caste on the basis of purity and pollution. Untouchables have the lowest ritual standing and economic position. They also suffer from severe social and civic disabilities. They are often associated with the most degrading and unclean occupations such as scavenging, sweeping, hide and leather work. They are also artisans such as weavers, washermen, toddy tappers, etc. Again a caste, such as weaver, may not be considered untouchable in all regions. Moreover, a large majority have given up the stigmatized occupations but may still not enjoy a status equal to high castes. While caste is determined on the basis of birth, it, in turn, determines the distribution of scarce goods and resources such as income, health and education.
In addition to these untouchables, who form nearly 15 percent of the population, there are tribes (Scheduled Tribes) in the central India mainly 10 the states of Madhya Pradesh, Bihar, Orissa, Andhra Pradesh and in the North-eastern hill states. While tribes in these regions are characterised by geographical isolation and low economic status, they are also distinct in several ways. The tribes in central India are impoverished and are the most backward. They have also suffered from the intrusion of the Indian mainstream and of the pan-Indian model of the state, society, economy and culture. The new forces released during the colonial period affected them adversely and led to the denial of their traditional rights to land, forests and its produce and other natural resources. They were also unable to benefit from the impact of new economic and political processes.
The tribes in the North Eastern Hill states, though heterogeneous, are distinctly different since they are not as poor or oppressed as those in central India. They have had more education due to a longer exposure to missionary activity. In these regions, the tribals have been a majority. Therefore, the oppression of untouchability did not affect them. These societies were not characterised by extremely hierarchical social divisions of Hinduism and therefore were not as unequal as the 'mainstream' Indian society. However, they share marginalisation with other tribals. The tribals of both the categories are included in the category of Scheduled Tribes and form 7.5 percent of Indian population.
The regional context highlights diversity and heterogeneity within the Indian subcontinent. It is also being argued that while it is possible to talk about Indian women at one level, it is also important to look at the inter-regional differences and variations among women belonging to different castes, tribes, and strata. These are also interlocking systems of domination (hooks 1989:22).
Indian women are divided by caste, tribe, class, region and religion. Therefore, while it is very difficult to talk about them as a homogeneous category generally they do not enjoy a status higher than or equal with men. In their case, the dimensions of caste, class, etc., provide cumulative disadvantages and they bear a multiple burden of inequality. Their inferior social status, retrograde social customs such as sati, child marriage, prohibition of widow remarriage, dowry, and lack of education, attracted the attention of social reformers and Indian national leaders during the colonial period. The question of women became intermeshed with that of reform of society. Apart from ameliorating their condition, most social reformers focused on the education of girls.
In order to eliminate these disadvantages, education was viewed in the Indian Constitution as an instrument of social change, individual mobility and social equality for all social groups through social justice and of integration and mainstreaming. While the minorities needed to be brought into the mainstream, Scheduled Castes (SC) and Scheduled Tribes (ST) required social justice and equality. Women, on the other hand, deserved equality. Thus, constitutional provisions were made to achieve these aims, especially, those relating to the first two categories.
Higher education was entrusted with the responsibility of protecting the constitutional provisions for positive discrimination. The commitment to broaden the student base was reflected in the financial incentives provided to SC/ST students, namely, hostels, post-matric (high school) scholarships, etc. In addition, special cells/administrative units were set up in universities to monitor the entry/progress of Scheduled Caste and Scheduled Tribe students, staff and teachers. In course to time and as a result of political interventions, the reserved categories have been expanded to include people with disabilities, other backward castes or OBCs. There is no gender-based positive discrimination in education or employment although some provinces or institutions may have made a separate provision for them.2
Since higher education was entrusted with the responsibility of promoting social change until 1991 there has been a continuous refrain in most policy documents on education that universities must develop scientific and technical knowledge and encourage its application to eliminate hunger, disease and ignorance (India: 1962:33). These are the important parameters of ‘social development’ which is being increasingly linked to literacy and primary education (Dreze and Sen 1996). The state owned full responsibility for the growth and development of higher education and kept the private sector out of its purview.3
Since reform in the social situation of women was central to the movement for independence, the development strategy in independent India in the 1950s included women, especially their education, in the Five Year Plans. The Report of the Committee on the Education of Women, 1959, made extensive recommendations which led to a more focused thrust in the subsequent plans. But disparities in the education of men and women continued. These were substantiated by the Report of the Committee on the Status of Women, 1974.4 This led to a broader perspective and the Sixth Plan linked education to the participation of women in the development process. There was a shift from a welfare approach to making women active partners in the development process.
The National Policy of Education, 1986 underscored the role of education as an instrument of women’s equality and empowerment. The National Perspective Plan, 1988-2000 AD reiterates this point of view and states that women themselves must overcome their handicaps. Thus, there has been a careful articulation of education for equality for women which is reflected in the educational policy discourse in post-independence India.
This paper seeks to demonstrate the latest trends in the enrolment of women in different faculties and disciplines.5 Simultaneously, it also attempts to see if there are any shifts in the disciplinary choices of women during the last 50 years. In addition, the data on the marginal groups such as the dalits6 and tribals are also given. The regional disparities are as crucial as those of the general population and the marginal groups. Therefore, attention is also given to this dimension mainly to reflect on trends in the different states of India.
While the disciplinary choices are the main focus, the participation of women at different levels, namely, undergraduate, post-graduate and research levels has also been highlighted. This way it is possible to focus not only on women's entry into the system of higher education but also to see what happens to them after they enter the system. What are the chances of their staying on and progressing from one stage of higher education to another stage?
Higher education has occupied a dominant position in independent India since it was perceived as a promoter of economic growth, technological development and also as an instrument of equal opportunity and upward social mobility. Various commissions and committees have deliberated on its criticality to the social and economic development of the country. The establishment of special institutions of national importance, of the Indian Institutes of Technology and Management -- all of them make contributions to the increasing significance and excellence of higher education in India’s development.
Simultaneously, the expansion of higher education before 1991 coincided with the centrality of equal opportunities discourses and policies in the public sector institutions which provided education and employment. This centrality of equal opportunity reflected the social importance of higher education and the concern of the Indian government to ensure the participation of first-generation students. It was also due to the increasing importance of social justice around the issues of caste, tribe, class and gender.
Due to the twin concern with equality and excellence HE in India was fully supported by the federal and provincial governments. However, in spite of very low fees and ‘reservations’ or the affirmative action the connection between socio-economic status, merit and elite institutions the women and the disadvantaged groups have either been excluded from or had a negligible represention in the best public institutions.
However, since 1991 the policies of the government have dramatically changed seemingly privileged position of higher education. The government began to talk remove public support to higher education and make it self financing while privatising it. Higher education has also become a non merit good.
As mentioned earlier, until the liberalization of the economy in the early nineties, higher education was publicly funded by the federal/central and provincial/state governments. However, Since the early nineties, private autonomous institutions are permitted to be set up on a liberal scale without a clearly defined policy to regulate the private institutions (Anandkrishnan 2004:210). The link of universities with the private sector is not new in India nor is the nexus between higher education and the economy. What is disconcerting is the nature and speed of change, the motives of those who are establishing the private institutions, the ad hoc approach to the new developments and the lack of a considered response from the Indian government.
The policies of the Indian government since 1991 have involved restructuring of the economic institutions and the educational system. At that time the existing system had become too large and ineffective. It was characterized by a few high-quality institutions at the top while the majority at the bottom were of poor and indifferent quality. It was also not expanding rapidly enough to meet the rising social demand for higher education especially of the skill oriented professional education. The government allowed the private sector to establish fee-paying and self-financing institutions to meet the increasing demand for higher education and for specific courses.
Prior to this in the 1980s the two provinces of Karnataka and Maharashtra allowed the establishment of colleges of engineering and medical education under the direct political patronage of the state politicians. These colleges filled the unfilled demand for engineers and doctors and students from all over India flocked to them. While they were affiliated to the universities of the region and were regulated by their statutes, they were also notorious for charging a large amount of money, over and above the tuition fees etc. fixed by the universities/state governments, for admission. They are widely known as the ‘capitation fee’ colleges. They remained limited in number and, therefore, did not impact on the system as a whole in contrast to current developments.
The private institutions levy hefty tution fees with/without the approval of the state governments. The state governments and the judiciary has had to intervene in the matter of fixation of fees. Increasingly, these colleges have sought the status of deemed universities in order to be autonomous in matters of curriculum and examination/evaluation. Along with the financial exploitation of the students, the quality of their education is also suspect and so are their motivations (Anandkrishnan 2004). Another limitation is that since private institutions get land at subsized rates, they are expected to reserve seats for the SC/STs but there is little monitoring of these measures and no statistics are publicly known about reservations.
Simultaneous with the expansion of the private sector, the restructuring of public universities in the post 1991 phase has effectively downsized them which is likely to exacerbate gender inequalities. (Allen and Castleman 2001: 151). The provincial universities are affected radically by these changes which are reflecting on the type of academic programmes and subjects introduced by them. In other words, subjects which have a market demand are being introduced. The direct effects of these coupled with scarce public funding are reverberating through the public universities. The new programmes in most public universities are also self funded by the students thereby increasing the individual cost of education. In fact, since the provincial governments are not increasing funding according to the rise in the cost of running the universities and also according to the demand for new academic subjects, self-funded courses have become a regular source of income for the universities.
The Indian higher education system is one of the largest in the world. It consists of colleges, universities, institutions of national importance (such as Indian Institutes of Technology, Indian Institutes of Management and Indian Institutes of Science, etc.), and autonomous institutions with the status of deemed universities. In 2002-03, there were 300 universities; of which 183 were provincial, 18 federal, 71 deemed universities, 5 were established through central and state legislation and 13 institutes of national importance. The enrolment was 9,227,833 (about 7.8% of the relevant age group). There were 436,000 teachers in 2002-03 as against 457,000 in 2000-01. Of these nearly 83% are in the affiliated colleges and 17% in the universities. Gender wise data is not provided by the UGC. However, the 2001-02, MHRD (2001-02) provides information on the women teachers in the 12 open universities which is 18.4% and 21.5% in the institutions offering correspondence courses.
There are two kinds of universities-unitary and affiliating. Unitary universities undertake teaching in the university departments while colleges are affiliated to the latter. In 2002-23, there were 15,343 affiliated colleges. Of these, 1,650 (10.75) are exclusively for women students. Although the number has gone up from 1600 in 2000-01 to 1650, the proportion has reduced from 12.7 % to 10.75 percent. Although the Indian system of higher education is huge in numbers, it remains small. in terms of the coverage of the relevant age group, which is about 7-8 percent,
There is a binary division in higher education between the universities and their constituent colleges, on the one hand, and the affiliating colleges on the other. Of the total enrolment, 89.16% are undergraduates, 9.17 graduates/postgraduates, 0.67% are research students and 1% are enrolled in diploma/certificate courses. 90.13% of the undergraduate and 66.23% of graduate students are enrolled in the affiliated colleges while 19.74% of the research students are enrolled in the universities.
Since 1991, a large number of private colleges on self financing basis are being set up and there number has increased rapidly. According to Anandkrishnan the private technical education system in India is the largest in the world and the growth of higher education in the last 15 years has been mainly in the private sector (2004). They seem to fulfill the demand for undergraduate professional courses in engineering/tehnology, medicine including dental education and health sciences, management, computer and IT education, mass media and communication, teacher education etc. Most of these are in the southern and southwestern states of Karnataka, Andhra Pradesh, Tamil Nadu, and Maharashtra. Other provinces are following suit. They are quick to respond to the demand for new programmes though in a limited number of subjects. As a result, their number has increased so much so that they form a majority of the undergraduate colleges in India. For example, in 2002, of 977 undergraduate engineering colleges 764 (78.2%); of 1349 medical colleges, 1028 (76.2%); of 505 management institutions, 324 (64.2%); of 1521 teacher education colleges, 1038 (67.4%) were private (Bhattacharya 2004: 177).
The growth of private education has contributed to the increasing undergraduate enrolment in higher education mainly in the application oriented science and professional subjects which are being offered in the colleges of arts and sciences. In fact, they offer what are known as the emerging application oriented science and management courses in microbiology, biochemistry, business administration, computers.7 For example, in Tamil Nadu the number of self financing colleges in arts and science has increased from 54 in 93-94 to 247 in 2000-01 while the government colleges increased only from 56 to 60 and aided colleges from 132 to 133 (Bhattacharya 2004:218). The proportion of women also increased from 42.89% to 51.07% in the private colleges during this period.
The self financing engineering colleges in Tamil Nadu increased from 71 in 1996-97 to 212 in 2001-02 while the number of government (7) and aided (3) remained the same. The enrolment in the private colleges increased from 20,250 to 55,500.
This section provides the data on enrolment (a) of women and men in higher education, (b) of women across faculties/ disciplines or subjects, (c) across levels/stages, viz, undergraduate, graduate/post-graduate and doctoral/research level. It also highlights the difference in their enrolment in general and professional education. The period covered is 1950-51 to 2002-03. For specific examples, statistics of 2001-002 have been used because of the non-availability for later year. The enrolment statistics for the 1990s are the focus of discussion while the data for the preceding four decades is used to indicate trends and shifts.
Starting from 1950-51 when the proportion of women was 10.9 percent to 40.04 percent in 2002-03, the increase has been significant. In other words there were, 14 women per 100 men in 1950-51 which increased to 67 in 2002-03. Thus, the proportion of women entering higher education today has increased rapidly from 1,685,926 (---%) in 1991-92 to 40% (3,695,964) of all students (see table 1 in appendix). There have also been shifts in women's choice of disciplines in higher education. There are also wide disparities in enrolment by region, caste, tribe and by gender. These differences impact on women from the disadvantaged groups.
The programmes in higher education are divided into those of general subjects such as arts which includes social sciences and humanities; and pure sciences, on the one hand, and the professional courses such as engineering (which includes architecture), medical science, teacher education, agriculture, law etc, on the other. They are also divided into masculine and feminine disciplines. For example, arts, social sciences, humanities, teacher education have been viewed as feminine disciplines. On the other hand, commerce, law, engineering are masculine disciplines. Medical Science has not been a masculine discipline in India unlike in the western countries. In India as in the rest of South Asia, the practice of female seclusion enjoined the treatment of women patients by women doctors. This necessitated training women doctors thereby enabling women to enter the medical profession (Chanana 1990).
The proportion of women in some of the masculine disciplines was miniscule soon after independence and remained so till the 1980s with the exception of commerce (Chanana 2000). For example, the proportion of women in commerce was 0.5 percent in 1950-51 and increased to 15.9 percent in 1980-81. Thereafter it has been going up steadily and now stands at 36.7 percent in 2002-03 (Table 2 in appendix). In Engg./Tech courses, their proportion was 0.2 percent in 1950-51; 3.8 percent in 1980-81 and is now 22.3 percent. In law, their proportion has increased from 2.1 percent to 20.8 percent. In education women were 32.4 percent even in 1950-51 and are now 50.6 percent. In medicine their proportion was 16.3 percent in 1950-51 and is now 44.7 percent.
In science the proportion of women decreased from 33.3 percent in 1950-51 to 28.8 percent 1980-81. This was the period when natural science was at a premium, especially physics and chemistry. Till the eighties they were the first choice for men students and while competing with men women were pushed out. It is also possible that science was not, in any case, the first preference for young women whose parents perceived marriage as a priority over higher education. An undergraduate degree, of any kind, only helped in the marriage market by raising the social status. A science degree required a longer investment of time and other resources, therefore, was not desirable. The young women were also socialized to perceive higher education from that view point.
Nowadays, research in natural sciences is not ---- preferred by men because it does not lead to high – salary profession. Besides, it requires several more years than an engineering, IT or a management degree. Thus, more women are staying on to do research in natural sciences (Bal 2004:3653). Therefore, the proportions of women and men have almost become equal in ‘sciences’ during the last one decade. The differential importance of general science for women and men over time has to be understood as a background to shifts in disciplinary choices in the recent past.
The proportion of women in 2002-03 in arts was 44.2 and has been increasingly steadily since 1970-71. The proportion of men, on the other hand, has decreased gradually during the same period from 83.9 percent to 54.6 percent. In teacher’s education, another feminine discipline the proportion of women has gone up from 32.4 to 50.6 percent. Science, a masculine discipline, provides an interesting insight on disciplinary choices of young women and men. For example, in science the proportion of men which was around 80-90 percent till 1980-81, has come down to 59.8 percent in 2002-03.
These days young persons both men and women are impatient with just pursuing ‘studies’. They like to earn as soon as they can, even while in school. The revolution in values cuts across strata, i.e. young persons even from the upper and middle strata want to earn as early as possible. The daughters of city based professional parents, especially if they do not have brothers, have really undergone a sea change in their socialization. The parents are giving the best education to their daughters and expect them to be independent and follow careers. This revolution in values contrasts with those values which dominated prior to the nineties, i.e. education and its linkage to the job market early on in life, was only for those men who needed jobs and was certainly not for women. In this changed situation, the priorities of women have also changed. They too want professional education and are, therefore, entering the so called masculine disciplines. This can be better understood if one were to look at their percentage distribution in different disciplines.
The percentage of women as proportion of total enrolment of women in higher education is an interesting dimension. In other words, out of every 100 women students who take admission in higher education, how many enroll for which subjects?
It is noteworthy that fewer women per hundred women in higher education are opting for teacher’s education or for medicine. For example, in teacher’s education, considered to be a women’s profession, the percentage has decreased from 3.1 percent in 1950-51 to 1.8 percent in 2002-03 (see table 3 in appendix). As noted earlier, the number has also somewhat declined during the last one year. In medicine too, there is a decline from 5.8 percent to 3.6 percent. In commerce, the growth chart is interesting. Their percentage has increased from 0.4 percent in 1950-51 to 11.8 percent in 1980-81. In fact, most of the expansion seems to have taken place during the 70s, a period when it begins to become a stepladder to management, chartered accountancy etc. After 1980-81 it grows steadily to 16.5 percent in 2002-03. In engineering and technology too, there is a significant increase from less than one percent in 1950-51 to 4.2 percent in 2002-03 and in law from 0.7 percent to 4.2 percent.
There are two simultaneous trends of clustering/concentration and dispersal that can be seen in the participation of men and women in higher education. During the first three decades while women tended to be clustered in the general disciplines of arts and sciences (nearly 90 percent); men’s participation was characterized by both clustering in arts and sciences disciplines but also significantly dispersed in others such as commerce, engg/tech and law. Lately, however, women’s participation too is marked by clustering as well as dispersal.
Once women enter higher education at the undergraduate level, do they move on the next two levels, namely, the graduate and research? In other words, their transition from one level to another will highlight their staying power. Table 4 shows the distribution of men and women by level/stage of education. In 1991-92, 14,79,231 women were enrolled for undergraduate programmes which increased to 3,285,544 in 2002-03; 169,267 women were enrolled for graduate programmes in 1991-92 as compared to 355,893 women in 2002-03; from and 19,894 in 1991-92 to 23,609 in 2002-03 for research programmes. During these years their proportion has also increased from 32.8 percent to 39.9 percent in undergraduate programmes; from 34.7 percent to 42.0 percent in graduate level progammes; and from 37.1 percent to 38.0 percent in the M.Phil and Ph.D. programme Their proportion is highest at the graduate level while their proportion in research programmes has marginally declined from 39.2 percent in 1995-96 to 38.0 percent in 2002-03. Until 1950-51, only 20.2 women had enrolled for research degrees which increased in the next three decades to 8,780 in 1980-81 (Chanana 1993:12). Their number nearly doubled to 15,018 in 1988-89. Now it stands at 23,609 in 2002-03.
The slightly higher percentage at the graduate level indicates that more women are transiting from undergraduate to the next higher level courses. It may also have something to do with the popularity of masters programmes in management, computers and IT, media, advertising, fashion technology etc. which are popular in the metropolitan cities. But in the absence of statistics it is difficult to come to a conclusion.
The division of the Indian Union reflects, to some extent, social, cultural and economic differences and, therefore, the growth and expansion of women’s education has varied over time across different provinces (Chanana 1988). These disparities have been referred to, time and again, by the official committees and commissions. For example, the Committee on Women’s Education 1956-58, the first one to look comprehensively on women’s education, highlights the fact that the four southern provinces of Karnataka, Tamilnadu, Andhra Pradesh and Kerala were better than the northern Hindi speaking provinces in female literacy and education. Towards Equality, the Report of the Committee on the Status of Women, 1974, also mentions that regions and cities with high populations of SC/ST and Muslims were marked by low literacy rates.
Unfortunately, these trends are continuing and the enrolment of women varies from province to province. Kerala has had the highest enrolment and even now it is 60 percent i.e. there are more women than men in higher education. Apart from pro-women cultural traditions and values, which I can not explain here, the migration of young men to the middle east may also have caused this gender imbalance. The other states where they are more than half the proportion are: Goa (58.5), Punjab (52.68); Andaman and Nicobar Islands (57.77); Chandigarh (55.5) and Pondicherry (52.60). Those with the lowest proportion are also the most backward; namely, Bihar (23.81); Jharkhand (30.40); Chhatisgarh (36.70); Rajasthan (32.33); Uttar Pradesh (38.40); and Madhya Pradesh (37.20). In these provinces the proportion is less than the all India average of 40.05 percent.
The link between province and professional education is very close. For example, the regional variation can also be seen in the growth of engineering and technology courses in the four southern states. In 1991, out of 70,481 students in degree courses 4,419 (6.3) were women which had increased from 3.9 percent in 1983 (IAMR 1995). A majority of women students were from the southern (1,989) and western (608) region (Chanana 2000: 1016-17). Even in 2001-02, the enrolment in undergraduate degree programmes BE/BSc. (Engg.)/B.Arch was highest in the four states in which the maximum number of private colleges have been established. The number of women is also the highest in these states, e.g. Maharashtra (24,710); Karnataka (22,287); Andhra Pradesh (22,615); Tamilnadu (10,722) which works out to 20.6, 20.1, 30.4 percent and 18.7 percent of total enrolment in the subject.
Similarly, in medicine Maharashtra has the highest enrolment followed by Tamilnadu, Andhra Pradesh, Gujarat and Karnataka. Women’s enrolment too is high in these provinces. In Maharashtra, the proportion of women is 48.0 percent (17,471). It is 38.4 percent (6,206) in Tamil Nadu; 46.3 (6,066) in Andhra Pradesh; 37.8 (4,173) in Gujarat, and 33 percent (2367) in Karnataka. Though the number of students in MBBS is nearly the same as in Karnataka, Uttar Pradesh and Bihar, the proportion of women in the last two provinces is lower at 23.6 and 16.6 percent respectively.
In commerce, too, the highest enrolment is in the same states alongwith some others.8 For example, the highest enrolment in commerce is in Maharashtra, West Bengal, Andhra Pradesh, Gujarat, Bihar, Tamilnadu. The higher enrolment of women is also in the same provinces - 39.6 percent in Maharashtra, 41.7 in Andhra Pradesh, 44.9 in Tamilnadu and 31.2 percent in Karnataka. These states add to the increase in the proportion of women at the all India level. The same is true for the degree programmes in engineering.
The regional differences are due to several factors. One of them is the earlier start of formal education in the southern as compared to the northern region during the colonial period. Moreover, a large number of private engineering colleges have been established here even in contemporary period. Third, the socio-cultural practices and positive attitudes of parents towards the higher education of their daughters also impact on women’s access to professional education. This difference is, to a large extent, due to the practice of female seclusion in the north and the absence in the south which I have discussed elsewhere (Chanana 1988).
In 2001-02, the proportions of SC/ST students were as follows: Scheduled Castes 11.5 percent (1,016,182) SC men 8 percent (7,06,769) and SC women 3.5 percent (309,813). The ST students constituted 4 percent (351,880) of total enrolment; men 2.7 percent (240,495); women 1.3 percent (114,168). In M.Phil/Ph.D. programmes, there were 53,119 students all over the country. Of these 36.3 percent (19,299) were women; 5.9 percent (3,133) SC students; and 1.80 (951) ST students. There were 824 SC women and 344 ST women, i.e. 4.3 percent and 1.8 percent respectively of all women research students. It is quite well known that inspite of a very well formulated policy of positive discrimination, the representation of SC/ST students is not adequate and the proportion of women is negligible. They generally join general education courses and are denied access to elite/courses and institutions.
Further, disciplinary choices are affected by socio-economic factors especially in the case of Scheduled Caste/Scheduled Tribe students whose representation remains marginal in higher education. But they, too, are better represented in states in which women have better representation and in which higher education facilities have expanded in recent years. For example, the proportion of Scheduled Caste women to total SC enrolment is 34.1 percent in Maharashtra; 39.7 in Tamilnadu, 32.2 percent in Andhra Pradesh, 24.5 percent in Karnataka. Similarly, the Scheduled Tribe women are 29.4 percent in Maharashtra; 22.6 percent in Karnataka; 32.0 percent in Andhra Pradesh, 41.2 percent in Gujarat; 33.7 percent in Madhya Pradesh.9
This trend also continues in different disciplines. For example, in 2001-02, the proportion of all women students in BE/B.Sc. Engg. and B.Architecture courses was 24.8 percent. The proportion of all SC students was 7.4 (38,935) and of STs was 3.5 percent (18,644). Further, the proportion SC women was 1.9 of total and ST women was 0.4 (2035). The number of tribal women has increased from fourfold since 1995-96 when it was 575. If we look at the proportion of SC/ST women vis-à-vis total number of women in engineering courses, the SC women are 7.5 percent and ST women are 1.6 percent.
The proportion of women vis-à-vis the SC/ST students as a whole also reflect the same trend. For example, the proportion of SC women as part of total SC enrolment was 28.2 percent in Andhra Pradesh, 29.2 percent in Karnataka, 24.6 in Tamilnadu, and 39.4 percent in Kerala.10 61.6 percent of SC women students in engineering courses are enrolled in Andhra Pradesh, Karnataka and Tamilnadu. If only the information had been available for Maharashtra, the proportion would be much higher. Similarly, the proportions of ST women are also high in the same provinces. For example, 23.4 percent in Karnataka and 18.7 percent in Andhra Pradesh. If we look at the enrolment in the three states of Karnataka, Tamilnadu and Andhra Pradesh, 55.3 percent of women are enrolled in engineering courses in the three provinces.
In medicine too, the situation is similar, 60.8 percent of SC women (4,035 out of 6,637) in medicine are in the four states of Maharashtra, Karnataka, Tamilnadu and Andhra Pradesh. In Medicine, 68.2 percent (4,577 out of 6,849) ST women are enrolled in Nagaland, a tribal majority province in North-eastern India. However, the ST students, especially women, are very small in numbers and, therefore, the proportions have to be seen accordingly.
The relationship between availability of disciplinary choices and women’s ability to access them are not directly related nor are they dependent on women’s academic achievement. In India, girl’s academic performance is generally better or at par with the boys when they finish school. At least, this is true of those who are at the top. Every year newspaper headlines highlight the better performance of girls at the school board examinations in different provinces. Yet when they join college, it is not necessarily the subject of their choice.11
While the shortage of seats or of intake capacity in specific academic programmes and lack of success at the entrance tests may be ostensible reasons for the lack of consonance between educational aspirations and disciplinary choices, these do not provide sufficient explanations. The fact is that a large majority of women may be deprived of exercising free options at the school level (e.g. being discouraged by family to take up science subjects) or not being sent to expensive private ‘good quality’ schools. After schooling they may not be provided the financial investment in coaching/tuition for entrance tests (e.g. there is an entrance test for coaching classes for IIT entrance tests) because they are very expensive and women, after all, are not socially expected to work and earn before marriage.
What are the implications of new discipline choices for the participation of women in the job market? Discipline boundaries not only limit choices, they are also dependent on the future options of "life chances" of women. For example, even though higher education for young women is taken for granted nowadays among the upper and middle strata in the cities, it is still not viewed as an immediate investment in their careers. Education is, among the majority, and investment to fall back upon in case of the daughter becoming a widow or being deserted (Chanana 1998). The poor parents have another problem even though they perceive the significance of education. Education is to provide immediate returns whereas professional education excludes the poor students because it requires several years of studentship and higher financial investment than the general education. But general education does not assure a job. So general education is useless while the professional education is unaffordable. Besides, there is lack of role models and socialisation support at home. Women from these social categories are the most affected by the stratification of disciplines, programmes and institutions. Further, the social and economic disparities are reflected not only vis-à-vis caste and tribe but also at the regional level, i.e. in different provinces.
Social role expectations affect the aspirations of women in other ways too. For example, in the patriarchal social structure, parents are not expected to use the income of their daughters. Therefore, even educated daughters are not encouraged to work and if they do so, it is for a short period before marriage. Its the right of the groom's family to decide whether she will work or not. Therefore, for a majority of young women in the academia higher education is not linked to careers. This is the reason why women join arts and humanities because they are cheaper, softer, and shorter than the professional courses. But we have seen that the number of those who are entering the professional subjects is growing.
In fact, there is a general trend of moving away from the general courses to the professional courses which lead to jobs and careers. Some of the popular new courses are not mentioned separately in the statistics. There is also a big demand for vocational courses at the undergraduate level. Discussions with experts indicate that of the specializations offered in management, women seem to prefer human resource management (HRM) and development (HRD).12 It is likely that jobs involving public relations, personnel management, marketing, and advertising in the corporate sector, such as the banks, IT firms, BPO companies are becoming feminine jobs and specializations. This leads to the question: are women moving from discipline choices to specializations within disciplines?
The statistics display a trend which reflects the current interests of young women and men. One could treat post 1991 phase as a period which set forth a change which increased the social demand for specific kind of professional education, especially skill oriented undergraduate degrees which lead to a career and a job. Earlier an undergraduate degree, except in engineering and medicine, was a step to further higher education and was not a finishing degree. Young men and women were not expected to work and earn soon after finishing undergraduate education. Those who did so belonged to the lower middle strata and needed to work and to earn to support the family and themselves. The middle and upper strata, on the other hand, could postpone income generation until further education. This was more applicable to most women across strata, that is, they were not studying in order to earn and to take up jobs. It was an investment in their social status as well as an additional criteria for marriage.
Although this may still be true of a large majority of women and their parents, that is, they do not expect their daughters to earn after receiving a degree, there are changes in the expectations of parents and of young women in big cities. Therefore, parental expectations and young women’s aspirations have been push factors in the shift of disciplinary choices in the mid 90s. It is related to the change in values as mentioned earlier and as a response to market demands in the post liberalization phase. More women are enrolling in engineering and law but the preference for management degrees and computer related degrees and skills higher. These subjects are available in the fast expanding private sector which responds quickly to the unmet demand for specific skills. Informal discussions with key persons reveal that computer applications and software computer engineering as compared to other specializations are popular among women. It will, therefore, have to be seen if women are getting professional training which leads to jobs and careers?
There are hardly any micro studies for macro data to fall back upon to answer this question. But as mentioned earlier, there are now differences in the specialisations within disciplines which have career implications. For example, HRM requires interaction with the public and there are several others of this kind. In the last few years women have become visible in the call centres; telemarketing; front desk jobs in the multinational/private banks, hospitals, hotels, etc. Quite a few of these jobs are short term and contractual and, therefore, suit the social role expectations of women.
So far as teaching is concerned, the latest statistics for colleges and universities are only for 1993- 94 when the proportion of women teachers in higher education was 18percent-- 21% in affiliated colleges and the 11.6% in the universities. The proportion in distance education is no better in 2001-02 where it ranges from 18 to 21%. Their presence as teachers is much less than their presence as students and research which is close to 39%. Moreover after they joined, they still face barriers which inhibit gender equity in the universities. This is true of the social sciences as well as of natural sciences (Chanana 2003; Bal 2004). It is also anticipated that the private institutions which offer contractual, low paid, short term jobs may have, in the long run, substantial number of women faculty leading to the feminisation of teaching in the private higher education.
A study of women scientists in biological sciences in the central universities and the national laboratories also concludes that there are fewer permanent women faculty in comparison to those who obtain research degrees. It is argued that the researchers join as faculty members when they are in their early thirties, a time when women are either married or have to be married soon. They need a break to raise a family and after the break cannot compete with men in research and professional experience. Again, more women than men are holding junior faculty positions. (Bal 2004). The presence of women students in technology and engineering has also increased but a study of women engineers by Parikh and Sukhatme (1992) showed that the most preferred specialisations of women were: electronics, electrical and civil engineering. Computer science, chemical and mechanical engineering followed in that order. They also mentioned that there are fewer women students in the elite institutions such as the IIT's and the regional colleges of engineering.
Again, management is a professional discipline which is being offered in the expensive private institutes and women are joining them. The question that one would like to ask is why do they acquire these degrees? In the absence of any study, I would like to give the example of a women’s college in Chennai, Tamilnadu, which I visited a few years back. This is a private unaided self-financing college which offers programmes in arts and management. Every year about 60 students are admitted in the undergraduate and graduate management programmes. At any time, nearly 250-300 students are on the rolls. Informal discussions with the college principal and some students indicate that only about 30 percent have career goals. For others, this degree improves marital prospects or provides a waiting period before marriage. This is because higher education, that is, at least the first degree, has become the taken for granted qualification for young women and would be brides among the urban middle and upper strata. In such a situation counselling for subjects choice and career options is either not available in the institutions or is not gender sensitive.
Therefore, shifts in disciplinary choices seem to reinforce tradition through the acquisition of modern skills and education. The new disciplines which are offered in the public and private sector higher education, though exclusively in the latter, seem to meet the aspirations of a minority of young women and their parents in metropolises to be professionally qualified, to have a career, to earn to be independent. This means that there is now social acceptance of a career before marriage. Here gender and class overlap in overcoming the traditional barriers to women’s education.
Even though higher education has been inexpensive or almost free during the first four decades, yet access has not been easy for women. In fact, it has been denied to the disadvantaged groups and especially women from these groups because of social and economic reasons. Therefore, when higher education has become self-financing what is the gendered impact of the higher cost?
I wanted to explore the access and participation of women students in the public and private institutions of higher education. I also wanted to compare them with the public institutions. There were two very pertinent reasons for this. First, these institutions offer mostly ‘masculine’ subjects. Second, they are very expensive and a longstanding understanding of the social situation of women indicates that a majority of the parents are reluctant to invest in the education of their daughters whose education does not have a production value because her income goes to the groom’s family. Would women be joining them and in what proportions and in which subject and specialisations? I have not been able to answer these questions directly in the absence of relevant data. Instead I have put together information which highlights the changes in higher education and the place of women in it.
The statistics on higher education in India are very poor. The private institutions lack in transparency and do not provide any statistics.13 Additionally, there is as yet no separate information on private self funded unaided institutions. Again, there is hardly any effort to document systematically either the extent or the shape of the changes that are changing the universities’ work culture or to look at the kind of impact, gendered or otherwise, that the changes may be having on the teachers, staff, students.
Nevertheless, the private sector has met the unmet demand for specific subjects and increased the intake capacity in the most sought after disciplines though at a cost. Therefore, there has been expansion and the number of students has increased. It is very noticeable in engineering (Kaur 2002). Women seem to have been the beneficiaries of this expansion, though it is difficult to come to this conclusion without separate gender based enrolment data for private and public institutions and for each and every discipline and academic programme separately. One is reluctant to give credit to private institutions because they are too expensive and parents may be unwilling to spend on the education and the dowries of their daughters.
Moreover, pure sciences, social sciences, arts and humanities remain confined to the public institutions. It seems that the earlier trend of concentration of women in these disciplines is expected to have been reinforced. Additionally, even though women are enrolling in professional education in larger numbers, it is not clear which subjects and specializations do they take up. Which institutions are they joining and in what proportions?
The unbridled and unregulated expansion of expensive private institutes is also disturbing. The problem with most is that they do not offer good quality education and are very expensive – the best institutions are still in the public sector. Unfortunately, the issues of social access and equity or of quality receive little attention in the private sector. Would parents spend on the higher education and dowries for their daughters?
The policy implications of the current situation of women suggests the imperative of creating a broad-based database on higher education which is gender sensitive. At present, the first problem is of a very scanty database and the second is that it is not gender sensitive. It is a sad state of affairs that a country which boasts of very large higher education system should not have considered it necessary to collect data on higher education which will provide information about students, faculty and staff in the public and private institutions. Information on students, namely, their enrolment and outturn by level, discipline, specialisation and institution are imperative for any understanding of the system. A framework will have to be evolved to decide what are the questions that need to be answered and what parameters are necessary to provide an understanding of the system and what happens to women who enter it. It would also help in charting out the future course of action and the research policy.
Secondly, research on higher education deserves support so that a quantitative database can be supported by qualitative inputs. For this availability of funds earmarked for research programmes and projects on higher education will go a long way.
Issues of equality, social access, and quality of education have been pushed into the background at a time when only seven percent of the relevant age group have managed to enter the system. The government must have a vision that encompasses the governance of the public and private sectors and keep in focus the gender concerns. The present ad hoc approach without a conceptual framework is fraught with negative implications for women’s access to HE.
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1 . Globalisation means many things to many people. According to some, colonialism was globalization while others refer to modernization as globalisation. I refer to it as the impact of economic liberalization in my country since 1991 and the impact of it on higher education.
2 The one measure which recently the universities have been asked to take in favour of women is to set up committees against sexual harassment. This directive of the University Grants Commission is fulfilled by some universities. Whether these committees are effectively functioning or not is a moot question.
3 It may be noted that while higher education was fully state funded, private schools were allowed to continue for which the government was criticised since it allowed the dual system to operate at the school level.
4. This report was entitled ^ and is better known by that title. This committee was appointed by the government of India after the declaration of 1975 as the UN Year For Women. The committee submitted its report in December 1974 and covered all aspects of the status of women in post-independent India. The report was a landmark in that it substantiated a decline in the overall status of Indian women and shook the Indian intelligentsia, political leaders and women out of complacency. It would be no exaggeration to say that it set the agenda for contemporary women's movement in India.
5 . It may be noted that the statistics published by the University Grants Commission and Ministry of Human Resource Development is based only on enrolment (which is of uneven quality). For instance, the UGC annual report for 1996-97 merges the enrolment figures for women in agriculture with those of medicine and several other disciplines. I hope to highlight the paucity of statistics on higher education in general and on women in particular.
6 . Dalit means the oppressed and the exploited. Now, Scheduled Castes prefer to be known as referred to as Dalits.
7 This information is given by my colleague, Prof. Kulkarni, Centre For the Study of Regional Development, JNU, New Delhi, India. I think they are run as colleges of arts and sciences in order to circumvent the approval of the all India council of Technical Education which has stringent norms for approval and establishment of colleges and programmes. They are using a different nomenclature and the universities are allowing them affiliation.
8 . Since the cost of setting up institutions in commerce, arts, social sciences, teacher education is not as high as for engineering and medical colleges many more provinces have started them.
9 . The populations of Scheduled Castes and Tribes vary from province to province. Therefore, this is an additional factor that requires attention.
10 . The total enrolment was 651 of which 332 were women and 319 men
11 . No doubt, the competition for seats in ‘good quality’ institutions is high and young women and men have to clear the entrance tests before they can get admission for a subject of their choice. Nonetheless, in absence any information about the aspirations of women and men; about how many men and women sit for and succeed in which entrance test, one can only talk about enrolment data which too is quite inadequate.
12 Some institutions such as the XLRI, Jameshdpur, Tata Institute of Social Sciences, Mumbai, offer full programmes in HRM/HRD. Now several others have joined.
13 . The public sector does no better. Even the all India bodies such as the UGC, MHRD, AICTE either do not give any statistics on the enrolment of women and men students institution wise, level wise, discipline wise and are not gender sensitive.