|Allen, Gene. “News Across the Border: Associated Press in Canada, 1894-1917.” 206-217.|
Bradshaw, Katherine A. “‘America Speaks’: George Gallup’s First Syndicated Public Opinion Poll.” 198-205.
Reincheld, Aaron. “‘Saturday Night Live’ and Weekend Update: The Formative Years of Comedy News Dissemination.” 190-197.
Wallace, Aurora. “A Height Deemed Appalling: Nineteenth-Century New York Newspaper Buildings.” 178-189.
Volume 32, No. 1, Spring 2006
Carroll, Brian. “Early Twentieth-Century Heroes: Coverage of Negro League Baseball in the Pittsburgh Courier and the Chicago Def
Greenwald, Marilyn. “‘A Pen as Sharp as a Stiletto’: Cleveland Amory as Critic and Activist.”13-21.
Voss, Kimberly Wilmot. “The Penney-Missouri Awards: Honoring the Best in Women’s News.” 43-50.
Webb, Sheila. “The Tale of Advancement: Life Magazine’s Construction of the Modern American Success Story.” 2-12.
Volume 32, No. 2, Summer 2006
Yarrow, Andrew L. “The Big Postwar Story: Abundance and the Rise of Economic Journalism.” 58-76.
Volume 32, No. 3, Fall 2006
Gershenhorn, Jerry. “Double V in North Carolina: The Carolina Times and the Struggle for Racial Equality during World War II.” 1
Weinstein, Elizabeth. “Married to Rock and Roll: Jane Scott, Grandmother of Rock Journalism.” 147-155.
Darling, Juanita. “Re-Imagining the Nation: Revolutionary Media and Historiography in Mesoamerica.” 231-239.
Underwood, Doug. “Depression, Drink, and Dissipation: The Troubled Inner World of Famous Journalist-Literary Figures and Art as
Voss, Kimberly Wilmot. “Resources for Telling the Stories of Contemporary Women’s Page Editors: Archives and Oral Herstories.” 2
Borchard, Gregory A. “The New York Tribune and the 1844 Election: Horace Greeley, Gangs, and the Wise Men of Gotham.” 51-59.
Cone, Stacey. “The Pentagon’s Propaganda Mills: How ‘Arkansas’ Quijote’ Tilted Against Militarism and Challenged the Marketplace
Volume 31, No. 4, Winter 2006
The connection between large international news agencies and their smaller national counterparts was a key characteristic of the international news systems that emerged in the late nineteenth century. This article examines the tensions between these unequal partners by considering the early relationship between the Associated Press and the Canadian Press, which was Canada’s domestic news agency. Canadian publishers were uneasy about their reliance on AP, but they considered it indispensable and believed a direct relationship gave them more influence over the news they received. AP believed its own interested were best served in the Canadians overcame their differences and formed a functioning national news organization. Paradoxically, the AP-CP relationship helped create an important institution of Canadian nationality even while cementing its subordinate status.
George Gallup said the creation of public opinion polling grew from his experience in journalism, an encounter with electoral politics, and his training in applied psychology, and the goals of polling were to make audible the voice of the common man and bring science to democracy. This article, however, shows point-by-point connections between his reader-interest research and his first syndicated poll results, which appears in “America Speaks” on October 20, 1935, in at least thirty newspapers across the country. It reveals the foundation of Gallup’s public opinion polling in his market research and suggests that appealing to newspapers’ readers and promoting his market research were additional goals. It also establishes an earlier date for the origin of the understanding of public opinion as poll results.
“Saturday Night Live” is a television institution that has playing a pivotal role in cultivating American television satire within its main target for the last thirty years being politics and politicians, particularly on its Weekend Update segment. Using interviews with some of those involved with “SNL” as well as other primary sources, this article examines how this “newscast” was developed over its first five years, with attention paid to its role and purpose, how its material was selected and written, and the limitations placed on it by censors and the nature of the show. This shows how Weekend Update expanded the parameters of what is allowable on network television as well as how those putting together this segment had to pay close attention to the traditional news media, resulting in the “SNL” office in many ways resembling a real media newsroom.
In the last quarter of the nineteenth-century in New York, the largest newspapers were concentrated along a short stretch of Park Row in lower Manhattan. In this high profile location, the Tribune, the Times, and the World used architecture as a means to forge their corporate identity in the minds of city dwellers. In their efforts to distinguish themselves from one another, and as symbols of their own success, publishers commissioned the leading architects of the day to build them increasingly taller structures for their papers. Using newspapers, personal letters, and architectural plans as source materials, this article demonstrates that the new American form of the skyscraper was at least in part attributable to the efforts of the newspaper industry to convey the ascendancy of the mass media in modern society.
Horace Greeley, editor of the New York Tribune, combined his beliefs in abolitionism, the free-soil movement, and a high protective tariff with Fourierism, a nineteenth-century utopian theory, to create a destabilizing effect on the second-party system, contributing to the formation of the Republican Party. This article illustrates Tribune partisanship in the 1840s and 1850s with references to editorials, Whig campaign documents, the correspondence of Greeley and associates William H. Seward and Thurlow Weed, and Association Discussed, a controversial series of exchanges with New York Times founder Henry Raymond. It reinterprets Greeley’s contributions to the third-party system by demonstrating a developmental relationship between the penny press and antebellum party formation.
This article explores the role of the black press in creating and portraying role models to the largely urban black community of the 1920s, 1930s, and the first half of the 1940s, leading up to Jackie Robinson being chosen to break major league baseball’s color barrier in 1947. It seeks a better understanding of daily reality for this community by looking at black press sports coverage of these exclusively male figures. By examining the values, goals, and actions held up by the black press as those to model and mirror, it is perhaps possible to better understand what the black community of the period sought in its hero figures and important people and, therefore, how its members saw themselves and who they hoped to become. This study assumes a scope and function of the hero in society as a phenomenon of mass media communication.
When Cleveland Amory wrote his best-selling book The Proper Bostonians in 1947 at age thirty, he launched a career in broadcasting, television criticism, and magazine writing. In a career spanning nearly fifty years, the versatile Amory was a regular commentator for eleven years during the early years of the “Today” show, chief television critic for thirteen years for TV Guide, and then a contributing editor of Parade magazine. Despite his status as an author, a magazine writer, and a broadcaster, it was his participation in the growing animal-rights movement of the 1960s and 1970s that may form his legacy, but his zeal for the movement nearly sabotaged a successful writing career. This paper offers a sketch of the iconoclastic Amory’s career and examines how he reinvented himself many times.
This article examines the Penney-Missouri Awards competition, which was meant to raise the standards of women’s pages by recognizing the sections that went beyond traditional content. Using interviews to look at the competition’s history as well as framing analysis to examine the content of winning submissions, the study’s findings over the period from 1960 to 1971 support a revision in the history of women’s pages. While traditional women’s pages filled with society, home, and wedding news appeared in many newspapers, some sections were progressive in their content and their writing style. Recognizing the differences among women’s page editors at various newspapers helps to strip away the invisibility of women in journalism history and stresses the important role played by them in pressing for change.
In the 1930s and the 1940, Life’s visual narratives conveyed the norms and standards of the new, modern culture and strove to create a community of citizens who, with the proper training and knowledge, could thrive in this new society. The person best suited to lead the way in this new culture was the self-made professional, who as the creator of the norms of modern society, also became their embodiment. Biographical sketches of professionals appeared frequently in Life as “Tales of Advancement,” which constructed the myth of American success. Unlike the Horatio Alger stories, these tales told of men and women who succeeded through natural talent, hard work, and application. This study analyzed these success narratives through archival research, examination of primary texts, and content analysis, and places them within the culture at large.
This article provides a perspective on the diverse nature of the black press by examining themes in the writings of Amy Jacques Garvey, a largely unrecognized black woman journalist who was an associate editor and editorial writer for the Negro World, the official organ a Marcus Garvey’s Back-to-Africa Movement. Analysis of approximately thirty editorials that she wrote between 1924 and 1927 found she sought to raise black consciousness by stressing the values of productivity, self-reliance, thriftiness, and hard work as means of gaining economic empowerment and independence. This offers insight into how Jacques Garvey, whose voice was not in the mainstream of the African-American press, used one publication to advance the agenda of a movement that had an impact on millions of black people.
News illustrations and editorial cartoons in Harper’s Weekly and Frank Leslie’s Illustrated Newspaper, the two major illustrated news weeklies of the time, have been credited with directly aiding Civil War enlistment efforts in the North. This article uses illustrations and editorial cartoons published from 1861 to 1864 in both weeklies to demonstrate that while they supported voluntary enlistments and bounties, Harper’s supported the Civil War draft while Leslie’s did not. The difference in editorial positions regarding the draft was heightened by coverage of the draft riots in 1863. Harper’s played down the riots and limited coverage primarily to a two-page spread depicting ape-like, Irish rioters committing acts of violence. Leslie’s carried considerably more coverage, depicting less chaotic “rioters” and used riot illustrations on its cover.
Anti-war protestors at the 1968 Democratic convention chanted, “The whole world is watching,” as Chicago police beat demonstrators. But it was not only television that depicted the violence. In the aftermath, political cartoonists tried to make sense of the carnage, assign blame, and express outrage. Seven of the nation’s leading cartoonists of the period told the story by portraying the candidates, Mayor Richard J. Daley, the police, and even the barbed wire meant to keep undesirables out of the proceedings. But strikingly absent, for the most part, form their discourse were depictions of those who caused the security concerns in the first place—the protestors. Instead, cartoonists, and the press at large, focused attention on violence that had been directed toward their own journalistic colleagues.
This article focuses on the first two years of the Mississippi Free Press, which was the brainchild of slain civil rights leader Medgar Evers. That time period was critical for the newspaper because that was when its editorial philosophy was developed and when it faced major challenges as a result of the changing social environment. Although the conservative establishment was bitterly opposed to the publication, it quickly became a force to be reckoned with in the state as it confronted the repressive, virulent power structure and served as an advocate for justice and equality. It only lasted twelve years because as perceptions about race changed, contributions from labor and other key supporters dwindled. Nevertheless, during its existence, it woke up the Jackson community to the disease of bigotry and served as a catalyst for positive social change.
The post-World War II era saw a dramatic transformation of U.S. financial journalism. Financial reporting changed from reciting stock quotations, company earnings, and puff pieces on businessmen and individual companies to broader stories about the national economy and what economic trends meant for average Americans. The readership of business publications also expanded enormously during the twenty years after the war, and economic reporting gained a more prominent place in major newspapers and general-interest magazines. What once was intended for a small cognoscenti of businessmen was now geared to the burgeoning postwar middle class. Most significantly, financial journalists recognized that the era’s big story was America’s dramatic economic growth and mass prosperity along with the changes that these wre bringing about in American society.
Edward R. Murrow is often given credit for his groundbreaking television work on See It Now in the mid-1950s, but the birth of CBS_TV news dates back more than a decade before he made the jump from radio to television. At the start of commercial television in July 1941, CBS allowed a small group at its New York City experimental station to develop a format for TV news with little involvement from the exalted CBS Radio news department. The WCBW crew experimented with visual techniques and developed a format for news in two fifteen-minute daily television newscasts until wartime restrictions forced its cancellation. That experience became invaluable when television news covered its first national crisis, the December 7, 1941, attack on Pearl Harbor, and the 1941-42 WCBW newscasts laid the foundation for newscasts aired even today.
Louis Austin, the editor of Durham’s Carolina Times and one of the most outspoken of the southern black editors, was the leading proponent of the Double V strategy in North Carolina during World War II. He joined other black activists and newspapers in articulating a dual strategy in which blacks fought for victory abroad against the Axis powers while fighting for victory at home against the forces of white supremacy and racial oppression. He further stimulated the politics of the protest in the South by calling for an end to racial oppression in education, politics, economics, and the armed forces; and his wartime use of the politics of protest helped lay the groundwork.
As the penny press was getting started in cities such as Boston, New York City, and Philadelphia, a thousand miles to the west Chicago’s early newspapers followed a different path. The party papers of Chicago in the years from the city’s founding in 1833 to the Great Fire in 1871 grew to incorporate elements more typically associated with the penny press even as penny papers that started there during the period failed. Chicago’s party press by the 1850s and 1860s had begun to shed its formal ties to political patrons as journalists served larger and more diverse audiences, both earlier than has been thought and in more sophisticated ways than has previously been described. Also briefly examined in the article is the possible development in this period of the “scoop” by Chicago’s post-Civil War journalists.
This research explores more than 1,534 published letters to the editor and 2,197 editorials in ten African-American newspapers from October 29, 1929, the day when the stock market crashed, through October 29, 1930. During this one-year period, African-American readers and editorial writers discussed and debated vital issues, attempted to make sense of the rapidly changing world, and created a sense of community on the editorial pages of their newspapers. This study, which examined papers from South, East, and West as well as the “Promised Land” of the North, is important because the largely unfiltered voices of the black letter writers from 1929-30 are heard as they grappled in print with life and racism, pleaded their own causes, worked out their identities, and expressed their worries about daily life.
Jane Scott, a rock music critic for the Cleveland Plain Dealer from 1952 to 2002, was the first rock journalist at a daily U.S. newspapers; eventually the oldest rock critic on a daily paper; and finally, a woman in an area of journalism that was, and arguably still is, disproportionately crowded with young male, reporters. Over the fifty years, she became beloved by the world’s biggest rock stars, as well as her readers, as she used luck, pluck, and a strong determination to succeed against the odds. Using interviews with Scott and those who knew and worked with her, along with newspaper and magazine articles, this is the story of a female pioneer who carved out a reportorial niche in something she came to love. “If you love what you are doing, you are blessed,” she said. “I consider what I have is love, and I’m just grateful that I was able to get it. I was just lucky.”
Volume 32, No. 4, Winter 2007
This article examines thirty letters written from May 1864 to March 1865 by New York Times correspondents John R. Hamilton and Henry Jacob Winser to their editor, John Swinton. Accompanying their newspaper reporter and note meant for publication, they let Swinton know what was transpiring in the Civil War and what military maneuvers might be occurring in the upcoming days and weeks. They also afforded the reporters a chance to air concerns about pay, supplies, overwork, and competition. Although the history of Civil War correspondents has been well researched, these letters are significant because they reveal two reporters’ views of the war and their concerns during the warfare. The personal nature of the correspondence offers a chance to gain a greater understanding of the motives and actions of the reporters rather than inferring them from their accounts.
Three Mesoamerican revolutionary movements each chose an early twentieth-century hero as their centerpiece for reinterpreting their national histories and constructing images of nations betrayed. Thus, they constructed their fights as the most recent chapter in prolonged struggles for control of their countries. This contrasted with detractors’ attempts to de-legitimize the rebellions by portraying them as puppets of recent international movements. To make their arguments, the rebels relied on a newspaper, Barricada, in Nicaragua; two radio stations, Radio Venveremos and Radio Farabundo Marti, in El Salvador; and the internet in Chiapas, Mexico. This article examines how the revolutionary groups used their media to reinterpret their countries’ histories in a way that vindicated their struggles while casting doubt on the legitimacy of their opponents.
In 1934, at the height of the Depression, Mississippi black farmer Sylvester Harris telephoned President Franklin D. Roosevelt and told him that he could not make the mortgage payments on his cotton farm. The president agreed to help stop the foreclosure on his farm, and the story became national news, first appearing in Harris’ hometown newspaper and then being sent throughout the country by Associated Press. This article traces how the media constructed Harris as a spunky folk hero, and it analyzes written and visual news coverage, including a photograph, two newsreels, and a cartoon about him. A key aspect of the research considers how the mainstream press, including the New York Times, treated Harris differently from African American newspapers, such as the Chicago Defender.
This article challenges the myth that the battle of Alamance, a bloody clash in May 1771 between rebellious North Carolina “Regulators” and the colonial administration, was what was popularly believed at the time to be the “first battle of the American Revolution.” A thorough examination of American newspapers does not support this legend. Even though they would be at war with the British government in just four years, many American printers published a multitude of reporters from North Carolina that supported the royal government and defended Governor William Tryon. In fact, there was little consensus about the Regulators. During the months that followed the battle, a vigorous debate raged in print throughout the colonies about the legitimacy of the backcountry disturbance. It seems, even in the 1770s, not all rebels were created equal.
An examination of the lives of 187 famous journalist-literary figures shows that a high proportion of them battled substance abuse and emotional health problems. This pattern fits in with research that shows a close relationship between artistic temperament and mental health difficulties. This article discusses the connection between those behaviors and the choice of journalism and writing as a career, and it examines whether journalism attracts personalities who project unhealthy psychic tensions onto the world. The fact that so many of the journalist-literary figures found themselves imprisoned in compulsive behaviors leads one to ponder the ironies of their lives that were lived for the sake of freedom and uninhibited artistic expression but ended up miserable for themselves and those around them. And it makes one wonder whether future journalist-literary figures will follow the same path.
This is the eighth in a series of articles on archival collections of interest to mass communication historians. Readers of Journalism History are invited to suggest collections that they would like to see appear in future articles, and the editors would welcome volunteers to write such articles.
Volume 33, No. 1, Spring 2007
This article analyzes the New York Tribune’s coverage of the 1844 elections, interpreting James K. Polk’s narrow victory over Whig candidate Henry Clay from the perspective of the firm of William H. Seward, Thurlow Weed, and Horace Greeley, an influential press and political organization. It examines newspaper content that reflected voter response to salient issues, profiling particularly the roles of Greeley, editor of the Tribune, who failed to anticipate the effect of certain variables—including gang activities, a third-party movement, and press leaks—on the election results. The study revisits events in Manhattan’s infamous Five Points area to suggest that cultural issues beyond the scope of both editors and politicians contributed to the outcome of the elections and to subsequent debates over westward expansion and the role of slavery in newly acquired territories.
Senator J. William Fulbright remains best known for the international exchange program that he started, but for thirteen years of his congressional career, he also was a crusader against the Pentagon’s “propaganda machine.” This article documents and analyzes his challenge to the Defense Department’s domestic use of “mental munitions” and “opinion ops” from 1961 to 1974, contextualizing events within a broader history of congressional opposition to executive propaganda. It provides evidence that he lost his immediate political, intellectual, and his philosophical battle against the Pentagon’s public relations apparatus. Nevertheless he may have contributed to the rise of scholarly criticism of government’s coequal participation in the marketplace of ideas as well as to criticism that assumptions associated with the marketplace of ideas are faulty.
This article explores the paradoxical nature of the woman’s angle in journalism in the mid-twentieth century through the prism of Associated Press member Ruth Cowan’s career. Using her private papers as well as her published work, it analyzes how her reporting in postwar Washington, D.C., reinforced feminine stereotypes that limited women to home and family even as she defied those stereotypes by personal example and by reporting on women’s activities in politics and government. Secondary threads explore how she covered the woman’s angle as a World War II correspondent and illuminate the empowering effect of female culture provided by the National Women’s Press Club against the backdrop of the male-dominated profession’s discriminatory practices and attitudes. The thesis is that the women’s angle was an essentialist, male-constructed category intended to keep women journalists and their readers in their place.
The study analyzed the federal government’s decisions regarding the suppression of the Japanese “enemy language” press in the United States in the early months of World War II. While military officials wanted total suppression, civilian officials insisted on preserving and utilizing the Japanese press to support the nation’s war policies, and the inter-departmental Committee on War Information (CWI) decided in favor of the civilian officials’ goals. These officials then considered implementing a foreign-language press control law, but they eventually withdrew the idea. Thus, the Japanese-language press was exempted from total suppression or any other specially tailored legal regulations. However, it was still subject to a lesser degree of control throughout the war by the Army, and the papers, except in Utah, Colorado, and the internment camps, stopped publishing by mid-May 1942.
This article unveils the roots of Soviet advertising and the sources for its inspiration, some of which resided in Russian revolutionary visual propaganda as well as in capitalist advertising. It analyzes in the 1920s, which was when the idea of socialist advertising was seriously discussed and utilized in the media. Zhurnalist, a trade publication for print workers, was closely supervised by the Communist Party, which considered advertising a wasteful economic activity peculiar to capitalism and incompatible with socialism. However, the magazine took a pro-advertising position that probably resulted from the overall interest in advertising on the ideological level. The article argues that the advertising in Zhurnalist reflected the authorities’ desire to utilize this traditionally capitalist tool for the benefit of the socialist economy.
Volume 33, No. 2, Summer 2007
Since broadcasting began, conflict has existed about whether newspapers should own radio stations. Some believed that cross-ownership would decrease the variety of issues available to the public, and the conflict increased in 2003 when the Federal Communications Commission proposed that more cross-ownership should be permitted. The fact that the new media combinations would include newspapers, radio, television, cable, and the Internet inspired controversy. Many noted that journalists working in multiple media would provide news of lower quality. Others, however, expected convergence to promote efficiency. Research will determine how journalism education should change to prepare for convergence.
This article examines the portrayal of women in Broadcasting magazine, the premier trade publication of the broadcasting industry, during the 1950s. Using a random sample of forty issues that appeared during the decade, images of women were coded and then analyzed using frames. Four dominant frames emerged: women as sex objects or decoration; women as housewives; women displaying stereotypical behaviors; and women as professionals. The article argues that positive portrayals of women as professionals were heavily outweighed in the magazine by stereotypical portrayals with far more scantily clad models appearing than female station managers. For example, the study found that 85 percent of the images showed women as decoration or in stereotypical roles or behavior while only 12 percent of the images showed women in roles as off-air broadcast professionals.